African Origin Bell Beaker Culture

There were numerous out of Africa exits into Iberia. The African migrants introduced into Europe, the Aurignacian, Solutrean, Bell Beaker/Corded ware and Moorish cultures between 44,000 BC and 1492 AD. These Sub-Saharan populations belonged to the Black Variety.

The Bell Beaker culture spread from Iberia to the rest of Europe (Haak et al., 2015). The eastern Corded Ware and even earlier Yamnaya ceramic decorations are characteristic of the African “Maritime Beaker complex” that was carried from Morocco to Iberia (Turek, 2012; Winters, 2017). Because the Bell Beaker cultural complex was also present in North Africa, makes it clear Africans took R-V88 and R-M269 to Iberia and across Europe.

There were many Africans in Neolithic Iberia (Dominguez, 2005). African mtDNA haplogroups have been found at Tres Montes Bronze Age Navarra, they were found in many ancient Iberian skeletons. Tres Montes Navarra was a center of Bell Beaker culture. As late as 2130 BCE we find haplogroup L2 in Iberia (Dominguez, 2005). In addition, as early 10kya we find carriers of M1 in Andalusia (Hernández et al., 2015). Haplogroup M1, is recognized as an African clade (Winters, 2016). In Iberia, seventy percent of the mtDNA in Tres Montes Navarra was of Sub-Saharan African origin (Dominguez, 2005). The African mtDNA haplogroups belonged to the L, L2 and L3 clades. Haplogroups L2 and L1b, are concentrated in western-central Africa, particularly along the coastal areas. Dominguez (2005), noted that much of the ancient mtDNA found in Iberia has no relationship to the people presently living in Iberia. Dominguez (2005) found that the lineages recovered from ancient Iberian skeletons are the African lineages L1b, L2 and L3. Almost 50% of the lineages from the Abauntz Chalcolithic deposits and Tres Montes, in Navarre are the Sub-Saharan lineages L1b, L2 and L3 dating back to 2130 BCE. The appearance of phylogenetically related sequences of hg L3 present in many ancient Iberian skeletons suggest that this haplogroup may have a long history in Iberia. This would support the presence of West Africans in Iberia during the Neolithic period.

Between 3200-2900 BC, African culture and people began to migrate into Iberia and introduced megaliths and the Bell Beaker culture (Lahovary, 1963). Spanish researchers accepted the reality that the Iberia Peninsula owed the major parts of Neolithic Iberia to African immigrants (Lahovary, 1963; Macwhite, 1947). MacWhite (1947) claims there was a close relationship between Iberia and Britain. These researchers admit that Portugal and Brittany were settled by Megalithic Africans who founded respectively the Mugem and Teviec sepultures (Lahovary, 1963; MacWhite, 1947). Olalde et al., (2017) discuss the spread of Bell Beaker culture across Europe 27 kya.

 These researchers found limited genetic affinity between individuals from Iberian and central Europeans. Olalde et al., (2017) concludes that migration probably played an insignificant mechanism in the spread of Y-Chromosome R1 within the two areas. The Neolithic British farmers were genetically similar to Neolithic Iberians dating between 3900–1200 BCE (Olalde et al., 2017; MacWhite, 1947; Mathieson et al., 2017). The British farmers were replaced by farmers of the Beaker culture (Olalde et al., 2017). Eighty-four percent of the Beaker Bell Steppe migrants carried R1b (Olalde et al., 2017). Bell Beaker appeared in Iberia around 2700 BCE (Cardoso, 2014; Olalde et al., 2017; Müller and van Willigen, 2001). It is interesting to note that while most people in the Iberian Beaker complex carried the G2 and I2a2 haplogroups (Olalde et al., 2017; Mathieson et al., 2017). Iberians during this period also carried R-V88 (Kivisild, 2017; Mathieson et al., 2017). In summary Late Neolithic Bell Beaker tradition expanded from the Taqua region of Iberia to Ireland and Scandinavia between 2800-2700 BC. Haak et al., (2015) reported carriers of R1b1 (R-L278) at Samara and in Spain.

There is a large body of archaeological literature that situates the origin of the stamp beaker decorations in Morocco, not the Steppes or Central Asia. This would point to Africa as the origin of the people who practiced this cultural tradition. Kivisild (2017), situates relatives of V88 in ancient Europe during Beaker and Yamnaya times. Haak et al., (2015) illustrated that the oldest R1 clade associated with the European hunter-gatherers in Europe carried R1b1.The discovery of relatives of V88 at Bell Beaker and Yamnaya sites should not be surprising because the Bell Beaker culture began in Morocco, and the Kushites migrated into Europe from the East.

R1 and the African Bell Beaker and Yamnaya Complexes

 The African Sahara and Morocco was a major source for the Bell Beaker and Corded Ware cultural complex. The Proto-Beaker pottery dates back to 4500 BC in the Sahara (Daugas et al., 1989).

The Beaker Complex made a rapid expansion across western Europe into central Europe from Iberia (Bailey and Salanova, 1999; Harrison and Heyd, 2007; Lemercier, 2004). The Beaker Bell cultures overlaps the Corded Ware Complex (Fokker and Nicolis, 2012; Prieto-Martinez, 2011). Olalde et al., (2017) found that the Beaker Bell people in their sample carried R1b-S116/P312.

Agro-Pastoral people cultivated crops and herded cattle. Elements of the Agro-Pastoral members of the Bell Beaker and Corded Ware complexes appear first in the African Sahara. Here, we see rock engravings of cattle herders and hunters using similar bow and arrows. The Yamnaya archers' wrist-guard and bows may have had their origin in the Sahara where we see similar wrist-guards (Le Quellec, 2011). Daugas et al., (1989) provides a number of radio carbon dates for the Bell Beaker complex in North Africa. We find Beaker Bell ware dating to 3700 BC in Morocco. By 2700 BC we see the expansion of Beaker complex into Iberia (Daugas et al., 1989). The Iberian Bell Beaker complex is associated with the “Maritime tradition” (Mathieson et al., 2017; Turek, 2012). There are numerous Bell Beaker sites in the Sahara and Morocco. A center of the Moroccan Beaker complex ceramics and arrowheads come from Hassi Ouenzga and in the cave of Ifri Ouberrid. Artifacts found at these sites are similar to Iberian Beaker complex forms (Nekkal and Mikdad, 2014). The interesting fact about the discovery of these artifacts is that they were widespread across the Middle Atlas mountains at sites such as El-Kiffen, Skhirat – de Rouazi, Kehf, That el Gher and Ifri Ouberrid (Guilaine, 1976; Mikdad, 1998; Nekka and Mikdad, 2014). This finding matches Turek (2012); which explains the spread of typically beaker style stamped decoration Bell Beaker culture pottery from Morocco into Iberia, and thence the rest of Europe.

In conclusion, there is a global distribution of Y-Chromosome R-M343 subclades across the African continent. The major subclades are R-M269 and R-V88. The V88 subclade is the oldest clade to separate from R-M343.The V88 sub-clade, had relatives in Early Neolithic samples from across a wide geographic area from Iberia, eastward to Germany and Samara. This would place carriers of relatives of V88 among the Yamnaya and Bell Beaker people. Given the wide distribution of V88 and M269 in Africa and Neolithic Europe suggest that, the Bell Beaker and Yamnaya people were Africans, not Indo-Europeans, because these cultural complexes and the people who practiced these cultures originated in Africa. References found in this article:

https://www.academia.edu/33990833/A_GENETIC_CHRONOLOGY_OF_AFRICAN_Y-CHROMOSOMES_R-V88_AND_R-M269_IN_AFRICA_AND_EURASIA

Classical Sudanese Arabic has been spoken for 5000

Arabic is not the ancestral language of the Sudan. But Classical Sudanese Arabic has been spoken in the Nile Valley for Millennia.  Islam and Arabs have been in Sudan for less than 1500 years as a result many Sudanese do not see Arabs as their great ancestors.  

Any simpleton knows that Nile Valley history goes back 7-6000 years--not 1500. In the 1980's many Muslims believed Saudi Arabians were going to support other Muslims around the world; and there was going to be a renaissance of Islam. But this didn’t happen. The Saudis did not share their oil money with other Muslim countries. The Saudis did not want to see a renaissance of Islam, they only wanted to spread Wahhabism, which has evolved into various terrorist groups destroying the peace in Africa , and the world.

 As a result, many Sudanese want to be associated with their Kushite heritage i.e., the civilizations of Egypt, Kerma and Meroe. Secondly, Semitic speakers did not enter the Nile Valley with the Arabs. A linguistic analysis of Classical Sudanese Arabic (CSA) illustrates that this language has been spoken in the Nile Valley for 5000 years.

As a result, CSA is related to Akkadian and South Arabic, not standard Arabic and Hebrew. This is why CSA, should be called Classical Sudanese Language (CSL), because it is an ancient language that has been spoken in the Nile Valley for millennia. Furthermore, these Semitic speaking Sudanese contributed to Egyptian, Kerman and Meroitic civilizations.

 Standard Arabic and Arabs in the Sudan is less than 1500 years old. CSA is 5000 years old. Given the long history of CSA in Sudan, Sudanese who reject Arabism are not wrong, they are just admitting that the history of Semitic speakers in Sudan is much older than Arabs and the East African slave trade.

EBONICS AFRICAN LANGUAGE IN NORTH AMERICA

     Any discussion of African languages would be unacceptable without a discussion of the African origin of African American vernacular Black English (VBE). Many sociolinguists believe that VBE is derived from a Creole language spoken in the Deep South before emancipation (Dillard 1972). Sociolinguists that adhere to this view believe that VBE is derived from an earlier British dialect.

      Other linguist believe that VBE is really the result of the social isolation of African Americans during slavery which forced them to learn English words, but allowed them to live in communities separated from SAE speakers. This separation of the Euro-Americans generally, and African American slaves made it possible for an African deep structure to remain constant among this people. We call this African American language Ebonics.

     Ebonics is a dialect made up of an English vocabulary and an African structure/ grammar. Dr. Ernie Smith of the California State University at Fullerton noted that Ebonics: "follows the African deep structure in every respect when it is different from English, and there is solid empirical linguistic evidence of identical deep structure or syntactical patterns in West African  languages". (Clegg 1980, 16)

     Many linguists argue that Ebonics has its own rules and grammar.(Rickford 1986)  This is absolutely true. (Clegg 1980)

The grammar of Ebonics is analogous to the grammars of the Niger-Kordofanian family of languages. Niger-Kordofanian languages are spoken in West Africa.

     Social separation of racial groups in America has led to the continuity of Niger-Kordofanian linguistic features among African Americans.  The ethnolingistic theory of Ebonics is a more accurate description of African American speech patterns than VBE, which suggest that the speech of many African Americans is wholly a dialect of SAE.

    Traditionally Ebonics is seen as a form of Standard American English (SAE) with a transformed phonology or surface structure pursuant to the transformational theory of linguistics. For example, SAE 'Do you understand English'; in Ebonics 'D'ya dig black talk'; and Wolof (an African language) 'Dege nga Olof' ('Do you understand Wolof').

    But Ebonics speakers use an African 1) morphology and 2) syntax, with an English vocabulary as observed above. As a result Ebonics and SAE are mutually intelligible, but like German and Norwegian they are distinct languages.

    The pronunciation of Ebonics words show NK influences in two broad categories: 1) consonant clustering avoidance and 2) absent phonics.(Fretz 1985) Both NK and Ebonics speakers avoid the pro-

enunciation of consonant clusters:

      SAE             Ebonics

    left                 lef

   object                objek

   desk                   dess

   fast                    fas

Certain SAE sounds are not found in Ebonics and NK, as a result we have absent phonics:

SAE              Ebonics

think               tink

then                 den

arithmetic        arifmetic

yours              yohz

drift              drif

build              bil

     The morphology and phonology of Ebonics causes many African American children to have reading problems. This difficulty may results from the differences between the pronunciation and spelling of words in  Ebonics, and the pronunciation and spelling of words in  SAE. Goodacre (1971, 80) noted that "Even more difficulties occur in the pronunciation of vowels and end sounds. One study found that of the 220 words in Dolch's list of basic words in the English language, Negro dialect of this type changed 158". This dropping of certain phonemes or letters by some Ebonics speakers while reading create difficulty for the child trying to attack new words and sound them out. Fasold (1969) has made it clear that among many readers whose language show an above average  importance of vowels, while reading the words will not change them to won't; and do not to don't.

     In conclusion, Ebonics is not just a dialect of English, it is a "different" speech analogous to African languages in structure and some vocabulary. This genetically encoded linguistic principle was reinforced in the African community as a result of the social isolation of many African Americans and Euro-Americans since slavery.

     This isolation of blacks, allowed environmental stimuli to trigger and reinforce NK syntactical patterns among Ebonics speakers .The SAE pattern would probably have erased NK grammatical structures if African Americans  and Euro-Americans would have been fully assimilated rather than live in separate worlds, in the same country.

     Given the information outlined above, Ebonics is a foreign language, and under Federal law, bilingual education should be provided Ebonics speakers. The allocation of federal dollars to support SAE instruction among African Americans, may enable many more Ebonics speakers to not only  finally learn SAE, and many of them to perform better academically in the area of reading.

     This linguistic reality makes it clear that some speakers of Ebonics might be prone to reading difficulties because of the  syntactical differences between Ebonics and SAE  at the deep structural level.  This view is supported by the research of Baratz (1969 and Labov (1965).

      This suggest that African American children could benefit from learning English as a Second Language. The teaching of ESL might help African Americans become better learners by learning SAE, rather than assuming that Ebonics is just non-standard English.

Sudanese Nile Valley Population stable for 10,000 Years

The research indicated that their was no population replacement from Mesolithic to Christian period in the Nile Valley. The authors wrote: “While evidence from the archaeology and mortuary archaeology discussed in the
Introduction does not demonstrate any population replacements from the Mesolithic and on, Nubian history is punctuated by extensive contact with other peoples, including the Romans and Egyptians (c.f., Krings et al. 1999; Smith 1998), which might explain the maintenance of similar
levels of extraregional gene flow over time from our first hypothesis.” 


In the conclusion the authors noted that: "In this paper, the population structure of Nubians, as constructed from the skeletal record, was examined in relation to the environmental, archaeological, and mortuary evidence in order to interpret population genetics parameters in conjunction with the historic record. It was discovered that the samples mostly clustered by site, which in combination with the
archaeological evidence of social isolation operating on some samples, balanced with their biological similarity to other samples that display evidence of extensive contact with different peoples, suggest that extraregional gene flow was probably punctuated with genetic drift, at least in three of the samples we examined. Our results also discount a population replacement happening during the range of time examined in this study. " 

In summary the Nile Valley people even though they have interacted with non-Africans from millenia, they have remained Black . You can read Evaluating Nubian Population Structure from Cranial Nonmetric Traits: Gene Flow, Genetic Drift, and Population History of the Nubian Nile Valley. See:  Evaluating Nubian Population Structure from Cranial Nonmetric Traits: Gene Flow, Genetic Drift, and Population History of the Nubian Nile Valley

Stela of queen Amanishaketo

Stela of queen Amanishaketo

.

The decipherments are tentative because it is hard to read the Meroitic letters on this stela from a photograph, because I am looking at published versions of the inscriptions published in books. In the future some of these decipherment may have to be done over.

This stela was found in the The temple of Amon (1st cent. BC/ 1st cent. AD) at Naqa, Hypostyle Hall.

On the front of the stela we see on the (left) Goddess Amesemi , on the (right) Amanishakheto

The goddess Amesemi is depicted with a falcon on her head, sometimes her presentation on a monument will include a crescent moon.

Amesemi was a Meroitic goddess, who was the wife of Apedemak, lion god of Meroë. The Egyptians never worshiped her. Amesemi wears a crown shaped like a falcon or a falcon standing on a crescent moon. (The falcon is a symbol of kingship and of the god Horus.)

The moon was known as the Eye of Horus, as was the cobra on the ruler’s crown. People believed that the moon and the cobra were forms of their ruler’s protective goddess. Because Amesemi wore the falcon and the moon on her crown, many people believe that Amesemi was this protective goddess.

An Ankh extends from Amesemi’s nose to the nose of Amanishkheto. This probably represented the divine breath passed on to Amanishkheto from Amesemi.

The inscriptions on this stela are on the reverse , and the side of the stela.

The Transliteration of the Amanishakheto stela is as follows:

1. nišheto qo-ne qo

2. n-ne he ñk e li-ne ml o

3. ps e o-ne a r-i te

4. k-ne a ine rm i l-ne t d b e šo

5. sli n0 tene q en ne-n

6. te ši-ne ht nk tone n h-ne

7. tek ……ok…….nm…..n h n om-ne

8. hl[e]…. O h p ne š m r

9. m ……. Te r h tl k-ne l tene

10. [………….. ……]

11. h ne m e ter h te m n š nel l

12. w-ne q š-ne l h mete o om-ne

13. sl lne tek nei h r tne š

14. k ñh d ne ate h te ši kne

15. r-ñ h ne-ñ kne ane e-m bo

Translation

1. Anishkheto noble and good restored

2.Manifest the external spirit now;
command the transmittal of the sould to commence.

3. Give guard the accession (of the) apparition—may it go forth.

4. The Object of Supplication and Good [Anishkheto] goes to witnee [a new] existence. Arrange to leave a legacy [and] blessed life.

5. Leave to set in motion now the Rebirth. Act to command Good to manifest.

6. The propitiation to pour out. God ignites and manifest the abstract personality of man.

7. To investigate…….a new…..reverence and Good the offering’s only acquisition.

8. Reverberate…….initiate the offering a good pray[er] [for] the patron’s luck

9. m… …. ..te indeed the blessings to elevate the Object of Supplication’s rebirth.

10. [……….. ….. …. … …]

11. The abstract personality of man to unlock indeed the great holy place (of) good (to) merit existence

12. The Commander acts to uplift Greatness, unlock from a distance (its) acquisition.

13. Set in motion (her) existence to investigate benevolence (and) dignity. Lay Good (on) the patron.

14. It (is) obligatory at this time to leave a legacy at this moment dispensing (your) satisfaction.

15. Certainly her abstract personality of man to manifest the Object of Supplication’s spirit much favor (and) increase.

The inscription on the edge

Transliteration

1. ah

2. e k p

3. k h

4. š ne nek e

5. [………..]

6. [….. …… ]

7. […. …… ..]

8. a šne

9. š

10. [… ….. …..]

11. [….. ….. ….]

12. [… ….. …. ..]

13. ñ l li

14. l d

15. b ene

Translation

“The blessed dead [Anishkheto] prays (for) nourishment (of) the obligatory offerings…..to merit……patron……retire exalted. (Her) lasting legacy is abundant almsgiving.”

The Solutreans were African

  

The archaeological and craniometric measurements show that the Solutreans were Africans, namely Bushmen or Khoisan. The Aurignacian civilization was founded by the Cro-Magnon people who originated in Africa. They took this culture to Western Europe across the Straits of Gibraltar. The Cro-Magnon people were probably Bushman/Khoi.

There have been numerous "Negroid skeletons" found in Europe. Marcellin Boule and Henri Vallois, in Fossil Man, provide an entire chapter on the Africans/Negroes of Europe Anta Diop also discussed the Negroes of Europe in Civilization or Barbarism, pp.25-68. Also W.E. B. DuBois, discussed these Negroes in the The World and Africa, pp.86-89. DuBois noted that "There was once a an "uninterrupted belt' of Negro culture from Central Europe to South Africa" (p.88).

Many researchers have recognized that the Solutrean culture of Iberia probably originated in Africa(Burkitt, 2012; Childe, 2001; Debenath et al.,1986; Debenath and Dibble, 1994; Tiffagom, 2007). It is the mainstream view of Spanish prehistorians that the Solutrean culture originated in Africa (Pericot,1950). Boule and Vallois (1957) noted that ancient tool kits found in South African burials along the coast are associated with the Solutrean industry. Pericot (1950, 1955) believed that the tanged points at the Parpallo site of the Solutrean were of Aterian cultural origin. Burkitt (2012) said that there were Algerian tools similar to the Solutrean tool kit. Gordon Childe (2009) claimed that the North African and Spanish populations that used the Solutrean tools were in direct communication. By the 1960’s, though, Smith (54) was able to reject the hypothesis of an African origin for the Solutrean culture.

Boule and Vallois in , Fossil Men : elements of human palaeontology, noted that "We know now that the ethnography of South African tribes presents many striking similarities with the ethnography of our populations of the Reindeer Age. Not to speak of their stone implements which, as we shall see later , exhibit great similarities, Peringuey has told us that in certain burials on the South African coast 'associated with the Aurignacian or Solutrean type industry...."(p.318-319). They add, that in relation to Bushman art " This almost uninterrupted series leads us to regard the African continent as a centre of important migrations which at certain times may have played a great part in the stocking of Southern Europe.

 Finally, we must not forget that the Grimaldi Negroid skeletons sho many points of resemblance with the Bushman skeletons". They bear no less a resemblance to that of the fossil Man discovered at Asslar in mid-Sahara, whose characters led us to class him with the Hottentot-Bushman group.

Reference:

Clyde Winters, THE PALEOAMERICANS CAME FROM AFRICA , International Journal of Innovative Research and Review , Available at http://www.cibtech.org/jirr.htm 2015 Vol. 3 (3) July-September, pp.71-83/Winters Research Article © Copyright 2014 | Centre for Info Bio Technology (CIBTech) 71 *

https://www.academia.edu/17137182/THE_PALEOAMERICANS_CAME_FROM_AFRICA

Paleoamericans are not related to mongoloid Native Americans

The Paleoamericans were not modern mongoloid Native Americans. Taubadel, Strauss Hubbe (2017) noted that , “The MDS results confirm previous observations regarding the generalized affinities of the Lagoa Santa crania and their differences from East Asian and other Native American populations (18, 20, 24, 26, 42, 44). Mantel tests (45) confirmed that the overall among-population affinity patterns displayed by all four cranial data sets were significantly and positively correlated (P = 0.001)”. 

As a result, the authors note that, “It is also worth noting that, although our results are consistent with the high levels of within-continent diversity noted previously, Lagoa Santa crania were not found to be outliers to contemporary modern human cranial variation. That is, their morphological variability falls within that observed among modern human populations, yet their overall morphology cannot be accounted for by a null hypothesis of shared common ancestry with all subarctic Native Americans. “ 


These authors support the OOA event. They claim that the ancestors of the Australians came from Africa. Taubadel,Strauss,Hubbe (2017) observed that “ There is mounting genetic and morphological evidence for at least two major waves of dispersal into Asia from Africa, with Australomelanesians representing modern descendants of the earlier migration (52, 53)…. Earlier (Paleo)siberian populations would have shared greater genetic affinity with Australasians further south as an outcome of their shared out-of-Africa dispersal history. However, as time progressed, further dispersal from Africa along with differentiation and gene flow within Asia would have altered the genetic signature of the northeast Asian source populations that gave rise to later Paleoeskimo and (possibly) other Native American populations “.

 In conclusion the Taubadel, Strauss, Hubbe (2017) concluded that “The earliest (Paleoamerican) migrants were morphologically distinct from later groups, although structured gene flow among the descendants of Paleoamericans and later populations may have contributed to their assimilation in the late Holocene. “.


Reference
Noreen von Cramon-Taubadel, André Strauss, and Mark Hubbe. (2017). Evolutionary population history of early Paleoamerican cranial morphology. Science Advances (22 Feb 2017), Vol. 3, no. 2, http://advances.sciencemag.org/content/3/2/e1602289.full