Sunday, May 24, 2015

Craniometrics Show Differences between AMH and Prehistoric Man

Cranial differences exist between amh and prehistoric African populations. The indication of cranial phenotypic differences is mainly in cranonical variates relating to brow and eyebrow ridges. The most ancient Blacks have prominent sloping ridges. Succeeding amh have less prominent brow and eyebrow ridges.


The articles below show slight variations among and within the contemporary populations 

being studied.
quote:


Morphometric cranial identity of prehistoric Malawians in the light of sub-Saharan African diversity.

Am J Phys Anthropol. 2006 May;130 (1):10-25.


http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16345069

and


Am J Hum Biol. 2010 Jan-Feb;22(1):23-35. doi: 10.1002/ajhb.20908.

A geometric morphometric approach to the quantification of population variation in sub-Saharan African crania.


http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19309683 


This is not surprising you would not expect to see too much variation between
 the cranial measurements of modern African populations.

When we began this discussion we were talking about Out of Africa ( OoA) events,

and the cranial measurements of the exiting population. As I made it clear overtime
the brow and eyebrow ridges have decreased, That is why you find marked differences 
between the ancient craniums and modern craniums. The most ancient Blacks have
prominent sloping ridges.

Below is the ancestor of Neanderthals

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Here is a picture of Neanderthal man


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By 100kya Neanderthal looked like this

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As you can see, there is little difference between the African ancestor of Neanderthals,

 and the Neanderthals themselves who migrated out of Africa into Europe, both
 populations have broad or prominent eyebrow ridges . Theonly modern Negro 
population with prominent eyebrow ridges are the Australians.

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Contemporary African and Black amh populations have less prominent brow and 

eyebrow ridges beginning with Cro-Magnon man. Here we have Cro-Magnon or
 Aurignacian man

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Contemporary Afro-Indians

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Note the less prominent eyebrow ridges. That is why the authors in the articles you cited did not find too much variation between and among contemporary African populations may they be Bantu or Khoisan and Anu (Pygmy).

As you can see there was a difference between the eyebrow ridges of the earliest OoA migrants and contemporary Black and Afro-Indo populations.


Denisovans were also Blacks.

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Note the sloping eyebrow ridges of this hominid that reflect the prehistoric human form.

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Note the less prominent eyebrow ridges among amh like Grimaldi man.

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Friday, May 22, 2015

New Photos 1: Black Native Americans

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 WINNIPEG JACK





... NATIVE NORTH AMERICAN KING OF THE NEW FRANCE REGION

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ABORIGINAL NATIONS OF THE MISSISSIPPI

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Wednesday, May 20, 2015

The Mande Language, Nanticoke and Lenape


Around 25,000 Mande speakers set sail for the Americas in the 1300’s
from the Mali Empire of West Africa. Some of these Mande speakers
may have been the ancestors of the Nanticoke.

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In A.D. 1312, Emperor Abubakari Muhammad , of Mali gave his
throne to Mansa Musa and embarked with his fleet into the Atlantic
 Ocean in search of the continent  opposite Africa. Archaeological and
epigraphic evidence indicates that Abubakari, and or members of his
 expedition settled in pre-Columbian Brazil.

The Indians have a tradition that Mansar Akban was the leader of
another tribe which discovered the Cunan people.This Mansar Akban,
may be a reference to Mansa Abubakari, who led the Malian voyagers
to the Americas.

The Manding lived in mounds along the Niger rivers. The mound
 cultures of ancient  America were built by Africans primarily Manding.
The people of the Niger Delta  formed river riverine communities which
were partly vegetation with some aquatic animals were eaten.

The ancient Manding built several types of homes. In ancient times
they built masonry houses and cliff dwellings identical to those found
in the American  Southwest. In Medieval times they lived on mounds
in the most watery areas  in their circular huts made a stone and wood
 on the top and their fields in front of the mounds tilled each day.

The Malian people introduced their technology to the Americas. The
Manding built dwellings depending on the topography . Near rivers
they lived on mounds. In  semi-arid regions they lived in cliff houses,
 like those found in the Southwest.

 Today the Dogon who trace their descent to the Mande live in identical
dwellings  as those found in Colorado ,where Manding inscriptions dating
to the A.D. 1000 's  have been found related to the Pueblo culture.

According to Cadamosto the Mali marines wore white caps on their heads
and a white tunic. On the side of the skull-caps worn by the Malian
marines,a white wing  decoration was emblaxoned, and a feather
was stuck in the  middle of the skull cap.

On board each naval vessel stood a marine with a round leather
shield on the arm and a short sword. Other marines were armed with
bows and arrows .

Murphy reported that the Malian military wore a uniform consisting
of sandles, loose fitting cotton breeches reaching down to the knees,
 a sleeveless tunic, and a white headdress of either cotton or leather,
decorated with one or more
 feathers .
The major weapons of the Malian soldier included iron-pointed spears,
 daggers  and short swords, wooden battle-clubs and the bow and arrow .

The Malians left many inscriptions in the United States and elsewhere after
they arrived in the Americas. These inscriptions are of two kinds. One group
of inscriptions were meant to warn the Manding expeditionary force not to camp
 in certain areas.

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Daniel G. Brinton, in On Certain Supposed Words, Shown to be of African
Origin (Am. Antiquarian and Oriental Journal (1887) ), argues that the Mande numerals recorded  by J.C. Pyrlaeus, were probably the numerals of a run away slave, because
they were of Mande origin. This was pure speculation on Brinton’s part because there
were many Black Native American tribes on the Eastern coast of North America.


This was speculation on Brinton’s part, because he acts as if Pyrlaeus would have
been unfamiliar with the Indians where he lived. Also, because the Nanticokes were
very dark Brinton due to emphasis on Blacks being mainly slaves just assumed
that the Nanticoke could not be Indian, since they were dark skinned.
Although this is Dr. Brinton’s opinion there are a number of historical events
relating to the Nanticoke.

Which can explain why the numerals collected by Murray are dissimilar to the
 Nanticoke numerals collected by Father Pyrlaeus.
The word list collected by Murray can be found on line at https://archive.org/stream/jstor-982971/982971#page/n0/mode/2up

This list of words comes from a certain Mrs. Mulberry. Below is a comparison
 of the original Nanticoke numerals collected by J.C. Pyrlaeus, and the vocabulary
collected  by Murray .


 



If you make a perusal of the comparison of the Murray Nanticoke and

Lanape the numerals are just about the same.

Pyrlaeus collected the numerals in 1741, this was 50 years before Murray

collected  his vocabulary. By this time the Nanticoke had been separated.
They originally  They originally lived in Delaware See: map
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By this time most Nanticoke had moved to Wyoming, Pennsylvania and even

 New York. Because the Nanticoke fought with the Bristish during the
 Revolutionary War, many were resettled in Canada. Mrs. Mulberry lived
 along the Choptank River. As a result , of the Revolutionary War and
 European encroachment of Nanticoke land the Nanticoke, had joined the
  Lenape tribe. It is obvious from this word list and numerals collected by
Murray by 1792, many Nanticoke were mainly speaking Lenape.
This would explain the similarity between the Murray Nanticoke numerals
and the Lenape numerals.

The Nanticoke numerals collected by Father Pyrlaeus indicate that Mande

speakers lived in the Chesapeake Bay and Delaware, and contributed to
the rise of the Nanticoke Nation. The Murray list of Nanticoke in no way
means that the Nanticoke did not originally speak a Mande languages.
It just shows that after 50 plus years of the Nanticoke living among the
Lenape, most of the Nanticoke were speaking Lenape instead of their native
language.


Are the Nanticoke Descendants of the Mande Voyages to America

A good example of the Malians in the North America are the Nanticokes. The Nanticokes were described by B.S Barton as very dark. This tribe of Black Native Americans formerly lived in the Chesapeake Bay and Delaware. They later settled in Wyoming, Oklahoma and Canada.

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During the Revolutionary War, the Nanticoke sided with the British and many Nanticoke migrated to Canada, while others went into hiding or moved out West. By 1867, the Nanticoke moved to Kansas with the Lenape. There chiefdoms were called Monie, Wicomoco and Manokin (,Mandekan ?).

In 1741-51, J.C. Pyrlaeus collected the Numerals of the Nanticoke. This was before the Revolutionary War. Around this time the Conoy people joined their tribe.

The numerals collected by Pyrlaeus when they were compared to other numerals by Murray in 1873, they did not match numerals in any known Indian language. Brinton found that they were identical to Malinke-Bambara numerals.

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These numerals make it clear the Nanticoke were descendants of the Malian explorers.

Below are Nanticoke at the Lenape-Nanticoke annual celebration.


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Friday, May 1, 2015

Ibrahim Khoury's bias led him to dispute Ahmad b. Majid's Authorship of all the Verses of the as-Sufaliyya

Ibrahim Khoury’s translation of the Sofala Arjûza (Urguza) and the comments therein are biased. When Khoury wrote his book he had the self-conviction that Ahmad ibn Majid never met Vasco da Gama. As a result, he undervalued the breath of knowledge ibn Majid had regarding navigation in the Muslim World. As a result, he took for granted the ability of Majid to keep up with latest events relating to navigation in the Indian Ocean.

Ibrahim Khoury ( Ed.), The Poem of Sofala, by Ahmad ibn Majid, he acknowledges on the title page that ibn Majid, lived between 1431 and 1510 [https://books.google.com/books?id=X5h8KIprtLIC&pg=PA91&lpg=PA91&dq=%22the+f#v=onepage&q=%22the%20f&f=false
 ]. This indicates that ibn Majid probably lived to be 81. If he died in 1510, ibn Majid would have heard of many adventures of the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean.

Instead of respecting the birth and death dates for ibn Majid, Khoury had the certainty that ibn Majid had not met the Vasco da Gama and he did not know about the Portuguese. As a result, he takes for granted what ibn Majid wrote in the Sofala arjuza, and claims that 105 verses in the Sofala arjuza were probably written by someone else. 

Khoury based his conjecture on five points: “These evidence may be outlined under five topics the [1] date of the composition of as-Sufaliyya, [2] the old age or the death of Ibn Magid, [3] the dates for the first Portuguese voyages to India, [4] the number of verses in as-Sufaliyya, and [5] its doubtful unity in the photocopy”.

These “five topics”, is not hard evidences. First, of all he says the date of the composition of the poem would preclude its creation during the period of the Portuguese expansion in the Indian Ocean. This is a straw man argument, because Khoury admits that “Nothing is said specifically about the time of its composition” (pg.15).

To date the Sofala arjuza he uses information found in the amended “Golden Poem”. Khoury argues that the original version of the “Golden Poem” was probably written before 880 H/1475 AD, since it was mentioned in the al-Fawa’id (pg.16). 

Khoury argues that “On the basis of this evidence , Ibn Majid could not possibly have reported in as-Safiliyya any material event or incident, not yet happended and occurring after 880H /1475AD, or, with extreme indulgence after 895H/1489AD, that is, in both cases, a very long time after he had finished his poem”.
Although Khoury bases his entire argument that any information in the Sofala arjuza about the Portuguese was not written by ibn Majid by dating the poem back to 1475 , he notes that the version of the “Golden Poem”, he uses to date as-Sufaliyya was amended in 1489.

Khoury’s acknowledgement that he was basing his dating of “Golden Poem” on the version amended 895H/1489 AD, indicates that Majid amended his work as new knowledge about navigation came to his attention. 
Since, Khoury knew the “Golden Poem” had been written in 1475, and amended in 1489, this should have been a clue to Khoury that the Sofala arjuza could have also been amended. As a result, the as-Sufaliyya, probably dates back at least to 1489.

Khoury’s contention that information about the Portuguese in as-Sufaliyya was not written by ibn Majid because the events in “both cases, a very long time after he [Majid] had finished his poem”. This is pure conjecture because, Khoury admits, “Nevertheless, the amended version of the “Golden Poem of 895H/1489, mentions 16 poems which have been composed before “ad-Dahibyya”. As-Sufaliyya is cited by name among them”(pg.16). Since the “Golden Poem” was amended in 1489, there is no way we can positively say that the Sofala arjuza was not amended before Majid died in 1510.

This view is supported by Khoury in note #1. In note #1 Khoury notes that the “Golden Poem” was amended in 1489, and the Kitab al- Fawa’id, was abridged the same year. This begs the question that if both “Golden Poem” and Kitab al Fawa’id were updated in 1489, why is it impossible for Khoury to believe that ibn Majid could have updated the Sofala arjuza.

Khoury bases his conclusion that Majid did not know anything about the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean, because the Chronicler Ibn Muțahhar says nothing about the first voyage of Vasco da Gama. In fact, Ibn Muțahhar does not discuss the Portuguese until they attacked the port of Aden ,Yemen 1513 (pp.19-21). Khoury feels that ibn Muțahhar would have mentioned the da Gama voyage if it was known to contemporary chroniclers in Arabia.

Khoury citing ibn Muțahhar as the foundation for his declaration that 105 verses in the Sofala arjuza was unfounded. It was Khoury’s misconjecture on how ibn Majid obtained knowledge about navigation and the nautical sciences that gave Khoury the self-conviction to deny ibn Majid the agency in writing 105 new verses to the Sofala arjuza.

Ibn Majid made it clear in his writings that he would keep his Rutters current and up-to-date. Ibn Majid wrote “I swear twice by God, he said, it is most probably, in my deep hard think[ing], that the pilots will leave all the writing of the ancient and new Navigators and rely upon my say[ing]s in poetry and prose, to improve themselves to the extreme and final degrees” (p.26).

Ibn Majid did not depend on Chroniclers to provided him knowledge about events that were happening on the Seven Sea. Majid was in constant communication with “expert pilots”, who would have kept him informed about development in the Indian Ocean. In verse 554, Majid wrote “The above people [pilots] contact each other. A sea separates them. They have a terrestrial boundary extending the sea shore at the west. Experienced pilots told me about them” (p.76). Majid noted in verse 630, “I retained only the true information reported by the experienced pilot” (p. 81).






Khoury also claims that the dates in the Sofala arjuza are off and not accurate. This is not true. In verse 27, Majid wrote “The Franks went to Calicut, take this useful information, in 906H, even after” (p.89). The date 906H, is 1501 AD, this corresponds to Vasco da Gama returning to India and blockade of Arab access to the Red Sea.

In conclusion, when Khoury claims that the additions to the Sofala arjuza were not written by Majid he is mistaken. The amendment of the “Golden Poem”, Kitab al -Fawa’id and probably Sofala arjuza in 1489, makes it clear that he could have added the additional 105 verses to the as-Sufaliyya before he died in 1510, as he obtained new information from his pilot contacts.

Some researchers claim that if Majid was not the pilot that led Vasco da Gama to India, and there was no way that he could have met da Gama prior to his voyage to India. This is not necessarily true. Vasco Da Gama was stationed in Tangiers in 1478, and the two navigators could have met at this time. As noted above, Majid made a habit of questioning navigators about their nautical knowledge, he would not have been afraid to talk to the Franks (Europeans) to learn about their ability as navigators.

This possibility is supported by ibn Majid in the Sofala arjuza verse 106, where Majid wrote “He [Allah], exclusively , granted me the privilege to voyage to all countries, [and] guides and led me safely to my destinations” (p.95). Since ibn Majid traveled to all countries he probably visited Tangiers, and maybe even ports in West Africa. We know he was well acquainted with navigation throughout the Muslim world through his own travels or as he notes in verse 565, “I relate what regards the Sudan and Magrib, as reported by an experienced man” (p.77). I did not see any discussion of navigation in Sudan and Magrib in the Sofala arjuza, so it may be in one of the other Rutters, translated by T. A. Chumovsky, Tres roteiros desconhecidos de Ahmad Ibn-Madjid, o piloto Árabe de Vasco da Gama .
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Wednesday, April 29, 2015

Vasco da Gama and Ahmad ibn Majid Probably met when Da Gama was stationed in Tangiers, Morocco.


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Vasco da Gama was stationed in Tangiers in 1478. Tangiers is on the West Coast of Africa. The Sofala arjûza was written in 1470, this was 8 years before da Gama arrived in Tangiers.We know that Majid sailed to many places in his lifetime, and da Gama could have met the great navigator in Tangiers.

The fact that da Gama never mentions Majidcan easily be explained . There was no reason for da Gama to talk about Majid, because Majid does not come into the history of da Gama's voyage to India until he is mentioned by Qutb as the Arab, who told the Portuguese how to get to India. Moreover, why would the Portuguese want to mention Majid when they wanted to make da Gama's voyage to India a great achievement of the Portuguese.

In summary, da Gama probably met Ahmad ibn Majid on the West Coast of Africa, in the 1470's while he was stationed in Tangiers. This would explain Majid's admission of regret for telling da Gama about navigation in the the Indian Ocean, in a revised copy of the Sofala arjûza, written before his death. Vasco da Gama's station in Tangiers support Bazan's claim that Majid and da Gama met on the West Coast of Africa,

Subrahmanyam is Wrong Vasco da Gama did meet Ahmad ibn Majid

Sanjay Subrahmanyam , in the The Career and Legend of Vasco Da Gama , does not destroy the idea that Vasco da Gama met Ahmad ibn Majid. Subrahmanyam argues that Majid could not have met da Gama because 1) the pilot who guided da Gama to India was a Gujurati; and 2) the Moorish pilot who da Gama took back to Lisbon spoke “Italian”. Subrahmanyam believes that Qutb made up the story about da Gama meeting ibn Majid to make it appear that the Ottomans were in the “forefront of the anti-Portuguese struggle”.

In A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 1497-1499 it is made clear that the pilot from Malindi was a Gujarati. It says “ Malemo Canaqua, or Cana, the pilot who guided Vasco da Gama from Melinde to Calecut. He was a native of Gujarat (Barros, I, pt. 1, pp. 319, 328, 330; Goes, I, c. 38; Castanheda, I, p. 41). Malemo stands for “muallim” or “mallim”, “master” or “teacher”, the usual native designation of the skipper of a vessel, whilst “Kanaka” designates the pilot’s caste” http://www.gutenberg.org/files/46440/46440-h/46440-h.htm

There is no evidence that Malemo Canaquo , the Gujarati pilot, left India with da Gama on his return trip to Malindi. It appears that once they reached Calicut, Canaquo left the Portuguese.This is probably the reason why da Gama was lost and made an erratic return to East Africa from India.

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The Portuguese were lost, as a result it is clear the pilot they had got from Malindi was not with them. Thus we read, that the pirate captured by da Gama declared that they were sent to find him and take his boat because they were lost.

quote:


When we were about two hundred leagues out at sea, the Moor whom we had taken with us declared that the time for dissembling was now past. It was true that he had heard at the house of his master that we had lost ourselves along the coast, and were unable to find our way home; that for this reason many vessels had been despatched to capture us; and that his master had sent him to find out what we were doing and to entice us to his country, for if a privateer had taken us he would not have received a share of the booty, whilst if we had landed within his territory we should have been completely in his power, and being valiant men, he could have employed us in his wars with the neighbouring kings. This reckoning, however, was made without the host.


This pirate was a Moor. He knew much about navigating in the Indian Ocean.
This pirate after being captured by da Gama was taken back to Lisbon. His name was Gaspar da Gama or Gaspar da India. In A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 1497-1499,Author: Unknown http://www.gutenberg.org/files/46440/46440-h/46440-h.htm , we read:

quote:


* Gaspar da Gama. This is the “Moor”, or renegade, who joined Vasco da Gama at Anjediva Island. Our anonymous author describes him as about forty years of age, and as being able to speak “Venetian” well. He claimed to have come to India in early youth, and was at the time in the service of the Governor of Goa. Vasco da Gama carried him to Portugal, where he was baptized and received the name of Gaspar da Gama. In the Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque (Hakluyt Society, 1884) he is frequently referred to as Gaspar da India. Correa (Lendas da India) usually refers to him as Gaspar da Gama, but also calls him Gaspar de las Indias, or Gaspar d’Almeida. King Manuel, in his letter to the Cardinal Protector, calls him a “Jew, who turned Christian, a merchant and lapidary”. Sernigi (see p. 136) held a conversation with him at Lisbon. He speaks of him as a Sclavonian Jew, born at Alexandria.


This is an important passage because we learn that Gaspar da Gama, was a pirate, who probably knew much about Indian navigation, so he had the ability to be a pilot. Plus we learn that Gaspar da Gama, spoke ” Venetian”, which was the same as saying that he spoke Italian.

The King of Portugal was fond of Gaspar da Gama, he even wrote a letter to the Cardinal Protector in 1499, about this Jew who was “a merchant and lapidary”. He wrote:

quote:


II.—King Manuel to the Cardinal Protector, August 28th, 1499.


Most Reverend Father in Christ, whom we love much as a brother!
We, Dom Manuel, by the Grace of God King of Portugal and of the Algarves on this side of and beyond the sea, in Africa, Lord of Guinea and of the Conquest the Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India, We send to recommend to your Reverence ... very great news ... Our Lord having ended our labours in the exploration of Ethiopia and India, of other countries, and eastern islands ... we inform you with pleasure ... and in order that you may know the progress of events we enclose the draught of a letter which we wrote to the Holy Father ... Beyond what we wrote to his Holiness, your Reverence must know that those who have just returned from this investigation and discovery visited, among other ports of India, a city called Qualicut, whence they brought us cinnamon, cloves ... the King looks upon himself and the major part of his people as Christian ... throughout the year there are found there cucumbers, oranges, lemons and citrons ... there are great fleets ... The island of Taprobane, which is called Ceilam,274 is 150 leagues from Qualicut ... Our people brought five or six Indians from Qualicut ... moreover a Moor of Tunes ... and a Jew, who turned Christian, and who is a merchant and lapidary, and well acquainted with the coasts from Alexandria to India, and beyond with the interior (sertão) and Tartary as far as the major sea.... As soon as we had these news we ordered general processions to be made throughout our kingdom, returning many thanks to Our Lord ... His Holiness and your Reverence must (deve) publicly rejoice no less and give many praises to God. Also, whereas by Apostolical grants we enjoy very fully the sovereignty and dominion of all we have discovered, in such manner that little or nothing else seems needed, yet would it please us, and we affectionately beg that after you shall have handed our letters to the Holy Father and the College of Cardinals, it may please you, speaking in this as if from yourself, to ask for a fresh expression of satisfaction with reference to a matter of such novelty and great and recent merit, so as to obtain His Holiness’s renewed approval and declaration, in such form as may appear best to you, most Reverend Father, whom Our Lord hold in his keeping.

Written at Lisbon, August 28, 1499.The King.

A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 1497-1499,Author: Unknown http://www.gutenberg.org/files/46440/46440-h/46440-h.htm 


The letter of King Manuel and Journal of the First Voyage make it clear that the “pilot” mentioned in the letter from Lisbon to Florence about a Moorish pilot who could speak Italian, was neither Malemo canaquo or Ahmad ibn Majid.

This pilot mentioned in the letter was Gaspar da Gama, not Majid. As a result, it does not dispute the possibility that Vasco da Gama met Majid before his voyage to India.

The Turks claim Da Gama may have met Majid at Malindi, while Bazan and T.A. CHUMOVSKY claim they met in West Africa. The successful voyage of Da Gama from Portugal to Malindi suggest, that, the only way Da Gama got to India was probably through the knowledge he learned from Majid in West African , not Malindi.

The Ottoman story about Ahmad ibn Majid life is probably fiction.The Ottomans probably placed Majid's home in Oman because other West Africans may have lived there at this time.

According to the Turks, Majid published his Kitab al-Fawa’id fi Usul ‘Ilm al-Bahr wa ’l-Qawa’id (Book of Useful Information on the Principles and Rules of Navigation) in 1489 or 1490, while at the same time claiming that Vasco da Gama made Majid drunk to trick him into leading him to India. Are we to believe that if Majid was an Omani he would have betrayed his fellow Muslim brothers, when alledgely he knew the importance of the Indian Ocean trade to the Omanis. The answer would be a resounding: NO.

The Arabs probably learned about the work of Majid after Da Gama made his voyage to India. This is the only way the Ottoman probably began the myth that Majid piloted Da Gama’s ship to India, when the actual guide or pilot was a Gujurati sailor.

What probably really happened was this. Da Gama reached India. In India the merchants asked Vasco da Gama how did he find his way to Malindi and India. It was probably then that Da Gama told them about Majid. After further investigation the Arabs and Turks probably sent people to West Africa to get Majid’s Kitab al-Fawa’id fi Usul ‘Ilm al-Bahr wa ’l-Qawa’id .

If Da Gama met Ahmad ibn Majid in West Africa, he was a West African navigator. Although Majid himself lived in West Africa, there were probably communities of West Africanss throughout the Indian Ocean and Pacific. This is supported by shared toponyms (place-names) in West Africa and the Pacific-India region, and the Niger-Congo substratum in Austronesian languages.

The Turks claim that Ahmad ibn Majid was an Omani. Other researchers claim Vasco Da Gama met Majid in West Africa. The information about Ahmad ibn Majid of West Africa , comes from R.A.G. Bazan, Latin America the Arabs and Islam,,Muslim World, (1967) pp.284-292.

The Turk account of Majid , comes from The Ottoman conquest of the Yemen , this book discusses the Portuguese entry into the Indian Ocean . It was written 50 years after the Da Gama voyage, and the death of Majid. This authors claim that Majid was drinking with a Frank merchant and Da Gama, and gave him the secrets to navigation in the Indian Ocean this seems highly unlikely for two reasons. First, where did this drinking take place, between Da Gama, the German and Majid; was it in Oman or East Africa. This sounds illogical because how did Da Gama, get to Oman, if he didn’t know the way until he was instructed by Majid in navigation of the Indian Ocean.

Secondly, Da Gama made it clear he got an Indian pilot at Malindi to guide him to India. Ask yourself, how would Da Gama have known he would need an Indian pilot to reach India, because they used the Monsoons. It was knowledge of the monsoons that made Da Gama's voyage to India smooth, but his return to Africa without a guide horrendous.

This makes the Turk story about Majid unlikely. Since it was written 50 years after the voyage of Da Gama,the Turks could have gotten a copy of Majid’s book by this time, and made up the story about the Omani origins of ibn Majid.

T.A. CHUMOVSKY , in Tres Roteiros Desconhecidos de Ahmad Ibn-Madjid o Piloto Arabe de Vasco da Gama ( THREE RUTTERS (SAILING MANUALS) OF IBN MAJID THE ARAB PILOT OF VASCO DA GAMA ), published an important rutter (poem) that indicates that Majid had met da Gama and told him how to reach India. This rutter is the Sofala arjûza. In the Sofala arjûza Majid makes an admission of guilt and regret on telling da Gama how to reach India.

An Arab researcher Khoury claims that the arjûza written by Majid in the 1470’s, and therefore he could not have known about the Portuguese havoc in the Indian Ocean, and that the part about the Portugusese in the Indian Ocean was added later to the text. I fail to see any conflict in Majid writing the Sofala arjûza in 1470, and adding the part about the Portuguese later, because Majid did not die until around 1500 AD.

Subrahmayan , believes that the Sofala arjûza was probably not written by Majid, because of King Manuel’s letter about the Moor/Muslim pilot who spoke Italian. But as noted above this pilot was Gaspar da Gama, not Majid.

I believe that Da Gama learned about the West Indies and Indian Ocean trade from a West African named Ahmad ibn Majid, because of 1)the Treaty of Tordesillas, and 2) Da Gama being chosen to lead the expedition to India.
The center of Portuguese naval power was along the West African coast.Vasco Da Gama had extensive experience sailing along the West African coast. As a result, da Gama could have met Majid anywhere along the coast of West Africa.

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Da Gama had considerable navigation experience and was an effective diplomat and warrior. In 1478 Da Gama was stationed in Tangiers.
Tangiers, Morocco is on the West coast of Africa.

In the 1480’s he may have served in Campaigns in North Africa. In addition, after the French took Portugese sailing vessels, da Gama fought the French at Setúbal and Algarve. As a result, da Gama could have met ibn Majid anywhere along the West African coast from Morocco to Lagos.
This would have given da Gama enough time to have met Ahmad ibn Majid.

It is obvious that the Portuguese probably knew more about the New World than they let on. Their desire to draw the Tordesillas Line which gave Portugal Brazil is quite interesting because, Brazil was a strong center of African colonization since the expedition of Abubakari, and because there was frequent trade between West Africa and the Americas when Columbus reached America, Da Gama due to his relationship with Majid would have already known how valuable Brazil was to any future power in the Americas. Da Gama probably passed this on to the Portuguese King, who pushed for the Tordesillas line.

Secondly Da Gama was a junior naval officer, but he was given Command of the expedition to India. This was strange because they already had an experienced officer who had sailed around the South Africa.

Bartolome Dias was already a veteran navigator he had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa 10 years earlier. But he was not given the Command of the expedition to India, the Command of this expedition was given to Da Gama . We must assume that King Manuel I , felt Da Gama had nautical knowledge.that would help him to be successful in this expedition. Da Gama must of had some special knowledge about trade in the Indian Ocean region that would make him more successful than Dias. This information may have been what he learned about the trade from ibn Majid.
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In summary I believe that Da Gama learned about trade in the West indies and Indian Ocean from a navigator living in West African named Ahmad ibn Majid. Subrahmanyan claims Majid never met da Gama because of the myth Majid was the pilot taken to Lisbon by da Gama. But we know that this pilot was not Majid, it was Gaspar da Gama.

Khoury’s dating of the Sofala arjûza to 1470, and the possible addition of Majid’s regret later, of telling da Gama how to make it to India, does not mean that Majid never met da Gama. Since Majid lived until 1500, he could have made the additions to the Sofala arjûza himself, before he died.

Knowing Majid prior to 1497, would explain the Knowledge the Portuguese had about Brazil, and why Da Gama was given Command of the expedition to India. Vasco da Gama was given command of the India expedition due to the knowledge he obtained from Majid who lived somewhere along the West African coast.

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