Wednesday, December 6, 2017

The Tehenu

The inhabitants of the Fezzan were round headed Africans. (Jelinek, 1985,p.273) The cultural characteristics of the Fezzanese were analogous to C-Group culture items and the people of Ta-Seti . The C-Group people occupied the Sudan and Fezzan regions between 3700-1300 BC (Jelinek 1985).





      The inhabitants of Libya were called Tmhw (Temehus). The Temehus were organized into two groups the Thnw (Tehenu) in the North and the Nhsj (Nehesy) in the South. (Diop 1986) A Tehenu personage is depicted on Amratian period pottery (Farid 1985 ,p. 84). The Tehenu wore pointed beard, phallic-sheath and feathers on their head.
    The Temehus are called the C-Group people by  archaeologists.(Jelinek, 1985; Quellec, 1985). The central Fezzan was a center of C-Group settlement. Quellec (1985, p.373) discussed in detail the presence of C-Group culture traits in the Central Fezzan along with their cattle during the middle of the Third millennium BC.
     The Temehus or C-Group people began to settle Kush around 2200 BC. The kings of Kush had their capital at Kerma, in Dongola and a sedentary center on Sai Island. The same pottery found at Kerma is also present in Libya especially the Fezzan. 
   The C-Group founded the Kerma dynasty of Kush. Diop (1986, p.72) noted that the "earliest substratum of the Libyan population was a black population from the south Sahara". Kerma was first inhabited in the 4th millennium BC (Bonnet 1986). By the 2nd millennium BC Kushites at kerma were already worshippers of Amon/Amun and they used a distinctive black-and-red ware (Bonnet 1986). Amon, later became a major god of the Egyptians during the 18th Dynasty.
References
Bonnet,C. (1986). Kerma: Territoire et Metropole. Cairo: Instut  Francais D'Archeologie Orientale du Caire. This is a fine  examination of the Kerma culture of Nubia which existed in         Nubia before the Egyptians established rule in this area.
Diop,C.A. (1974). The African Origin of Civilization. (ed. &  Trans) by Mercer Cook, Westport:Lawrence Hill & Company.  This book outlines Diop's theory of the African origin of  Egyptian civilization.
_______.(1986). "Formation of the Berber Branch". In Libya  Antiqua. (ed.) by Unesco,(Paris: UNESCO) pp.69-73. In this article Diop explains that the original inhabitants of Libya were Blacks.

Jelinek,J. (1985). "Tillizahren,the Key Site of the Fezzanese Rock Art". Anthropologie (Brno),23(3):223-275. This paper gives a stimulating  account of the rock art of the Sahara and the important role the C-Group people played in the creation of this art.
Quellec,J-L le. (1985). "Les Gravures Rupestres Du Fezzan (Libye)". L'Anthropologie, 89 (3):365-383. This text deals  comprehensively with the dates and spread of specific art          themes in the ancient Sahara.







Rameses III Table of Nation





The Rameses III relief clearly illustrates that the people on the relief from left to right are Rmt (Egyptian), Tjhnw (Libyans),Nhsy (Kushites) and Aamw (Syro-Palestinians). This reality is discussed by F.J. Yurco, in his article on the Rameses III relief, in Egypt in Africa, (Ed.) Theorore Celenke (1996). In the Table of Nation figure B we see the traditional depiction of a Tehenu, the sidelock, shoulder cape and clean face. 

The Meshwesh



In many books  Meshwesh are called Temehu . The Meshwesh are different from the Tehenu and the original Tamehu recorded by the Egyptians prior to the New Kingdom.


The Meshwesh were referred to as Tehenu\Tamehu. This may not be correct because the Meshwesh are not mention in Egyptian text until the 14th Century BC.

The members of the coalition were led by Meshesher the wr 'ruler' of the coalition.Each group was led by a "great one" or a magnate. The Meshwesh were semi-nomads that lived both in villages and dmi'w 'towns'.The Tehenu lived in the Delta between the Temehu and the Egyptians. The Egyptians referred to all of the people in this area most often by the generic tern "Tehenu".

The TjemhuTemehu which included the Meshwesh controled an area from Cyrenaica to Syria. As a result, in textual material from the reign of Ramses II, there is mention of Temehu towns in Syria. David O'Connor makes it clear that Ramses III referred to these Temehu by the term Tehenu/Tjehnyu (p.64).

The Temehu were very hostile to the Tehenu/Tjehnya. In fact, the first mention of the Meshwesh in Ramses III inscriptions relating to 1188, was the attack of the Tehenu, by the Meshwqesh, Soped and Sea People . David O'Connor makes it clear that the the records of Ramses III make it clear that the Meshweshy "savagely" attacked the Tehenu and looted their cities during their advance to Egypt (p.35 & 105).




The coalition of the Meshweshy had each unit of the army organized into "family or tribal ' units under the leadership of a "great one". As result to understand why the fAsian and Tehenu figures on the Table of Nations are identified differently you have use both the pictorical and textual material from the reign of Ramses III to understand the representations. As a result, Palestianian -Syrian personage or figure D, is labled Tehenu because he was probably a member of one Meshwesh units, thus he was labled Tehenu. The personage that is second from the Egyptians which is labled an Asian, eventhough he is clearly a Tehenu, was probably a member of a Syrian Palestinian unit when he was captured by the Egyptians thusly he was labled Asian. You can find out more about this reality if you check out: David O'Connor, "The nature of Tjemhu (Libyan) society in later New Kingdom; in Libya and Egypt c1300-750 BC, (Ed.) by Athony Leahy (pp.29-113), SOAS Centre of Near and Middle Eastern Studies and the Society for Libyan Studies, 1990.

The Meshwesh wore Tehenu traditional costumes but they are not believed to be real Tehenu. The Tehenu and the Temehu usually wore different costumes. In the New Kingdom depictions of the Temehu, the Meshwesh have "long chin beards", like the Syrian-Palestinians and Peoples of the Sea. They wear kilts, sheaths and capes open at the front tied at one shoulder. Like the earlier Tehenu they wore feathers as a sign of High Status.


The difference in dress among the Meshwesh and their hostility toward the Tehenu, have led many researchers to see the Temehu of the New Kingdom as a different group from the original Temehu of Egyptian traditions. O'Connor (p.74) in the work cited above makes it clear that the Temehu in Ramses III day--"[have] hairstyles, dress and apparently ethnic type [that] are markedly different from the Tjehnyu/tjemhu of the Old Kingdom (Osing, 1980,1018-19). Various explanations have been offered: Wainwright, for example, concluded that 'Meshwesh was a mixed tribe of Libu like tribesmen with their native chiefs who become subject to a family of Tjehnu origin'(1962,p.92), while Osing suggested that the New Kingdowm Tjemhu had displaced or absorbed the earlier Tjehnyu but had selectively taken over or retained some Tjehnyu traits, in the case of the rulers for Meshwesh (1980,1019-1020). Dr. O'Connor is of the opinion "that some rulers of the later New Kingdom Tjemhu deliberately adopted traits they discovered from the Egyptians to be charcteristic of ancient Tjehnyu/Tjemhu, so as to increase there prestige, or in some way had these traits imposed upon them by the Egyptians" (p.74).

It is my opinion that given the organiztion of the Libyans into mhwt "family or tribal groups', sometime prior to 1230 BC over an extended period of time Indo-European speaking people later to be known as Peoples of the Sea entered Western Asia and Libya and were adopted by Tehenu families. This adoption of the new immigrants by Tehenu/Tamehu probably led to the Meshwesh and Soped adopting Tehenu customs but maintaining their traditional beards,. The original Temehu, like the Libu probably saw the integration of Sea Peoples into Temehu society as a way to increase their number and possibily conquer Egypt. It is interesting to note that the Meshwesh were very sure they might be able to conquor the Egyptians because they brought their cattle and other animals with them when they invaded the country. Moreover whereas the Meshwesh, were semi-nomadic, the Sea Peoples: Akawashu, Lukki, Tursha., Sheklesh, and Sherden remained nomadic. and used the spear and round shield.

Meroitic and Beja are related Languages



There are 134 languages in the Sudan. One of the ancient languages of the Sudan was Meroitic. The Meroitic languages was a lingua franca used by the Meroites to facilitate clear and accurate communication among the Meroites. Beja is one of the Old Sudanese Languages.
The Beja helped spread Buddhism in Central Asia. They probably also helped establish Buddhism in the Meroitic Empire.

Image may contain: 3 people
My research makes it clear that various languages were spoken in the Meroitic Empire. As a result, the Meroites used the Meroitic writring system as a lingua franca to facilitate clear and consistant communication Now that I have deciphered Meroitic I can clearly see the relationship between Meroitic and the Old Sudanese Languages (OSL). The OSL languages include Colloquial Sudanese Arabic (CSA) . The CSA languages show no relationship to standard Arabic, because the ancient Sudanese spoke their own languages.
One of the Old Sudanese Languages is Beja. My research indicates that Meroitic is closely related to the Beja language.


There is increasing evidence that the Beja provides a key to fully understanding the Meroitic language. Some years ago I deciphered the Kharamadoye inscription. Kharamadoye was a Beja king of the Meroitic Empire.

In 2004, my article MEROITIC EVIDENCE FOR A BLEMMY EMPIRE IN THE DODEKASCHOINS, was published by Osama Elnur in ARKAMANI Sudan Electronic Journal of Archaeology and Anthropology,http://web.archive.org/…/arkamani-lib…/meroitic/Kalabsha.htm the paper was Translated into Arabic by Osama Elnur see: http://web.archive.org/…/meroitic_studi…/kalabsha_arabic.htm
Today Beja repeat this message from their ancestors with pride as an indication to the long history of the Beja people. At Buzzle.com @  http://www.buzzle.com/…/freedom-for-dirar-ahmed-dirar-indep…
They note:
quote:
________________________________________

…… Hrmdoye ne qor ene ariteñ lne mdes ne mni-t kene
mk lebne ye re qe-ne q yi-t hl-ne y es bo he-ne q r lebne tro.
S-ne ariteñ net er ek li s-ne d-b li lh ne q r kene qor ene mnpte. “
This was heard already before 1670 years at a moment the Blemmyan King Kharamadoye drove his compatriots to a point of national statehood at the northern area of the then ailing Meroitic kingdom in what is today's Sudanese North and Egyptian South. Using Meroitic scripture, the scribes of Kharamadoye immortalized down to our times an inscription on walls of the Mandulis temple at Talmis (modern Kalabsha). The beginning of the inscription reads in a plausible English translation as follows:
Kharamadoye the monarch and chief of the living Ariteñ, the great son and patron of Amani, you (who) revitalizes (man). The lord's voyage of discovery indeed gives the creation of Good. Act (now Amani) he travels to support good. Make a good welfare swell (for) the offering of the Chief, (he) desires indeed the restoration of eminence. The patron of good Ariteñ bows in reverence (before Amani) to evoke exalted nourishment (for) the patrons to leave a grand and exalted legacy to behold good. Oh Amani make indeed (a) revitalization (of) the monarch (and) commander of Great Napata…..”
________________________________________
When I first saw this claim that the Beja, represented the Blemmyan people of the Meroitic and Egyptian inscriptions I thought it might be hollow indeed. But after comparing Meroitic to Beja, the claim has considerable merit.
To test the hypothesis that the Beja language was related to meroitic, I compared Meroitic and Beja. The Beja material comes from Klaus and Charlotte Wedekind and Abuzeinab Musa, Beja Pedagogical Grammar ( http://www.afrikanistik-online.de/…/beja_pedagogical_gramma… ) ,
What I found from this cursory examination was most interesting. I will need to gather more vocabulary items from Beja, but I did find a number of matches:
Meroitic ……English……….. Beja
i ‘arrive at this point’ ………… bi ‘went’
t ‘he, she’ ……………………..ta ‘she’
ya ‘go’………………………….yak ‘start’
rit ‘look’……………………….rhitaa ‘you saw’
an(a) plural suffix……………..aan ‘these’
d(d) ‘say’………………………di(y) ‘say’
lb ‘energy, dynamic…………liwa ‘burn’
ken ‘to realize’……………….kana ‘to know’
bk ‘ripen’……………………..bishakwa ‘to be ripe’
The vocabulary items are interesting, but since they come from a grammar book there was not enough to provide an extensive comparison of Beja and Meroitic.
Meroitic and Beja share many grammatical features. For example, the pronouns are usually can be placed in front or at the end verbs e.g., Beja ti bi ‘she went’, Meroitic t-i‘he goes’. In Beja, adi is used to indicate complete action Taman adi ‘I ate it completely’, Meroitic –a, serves the same purpose akin ne a ‘he has become completely learned’. In both languages the adverb is placed behind the noun Beja takii-da ‘small man’, Meroitic pt ‘praise’: pt es ‘manifest praise’. In Beja the future tense is form by ndi, Tami a ndi “I will eat’, Meroitic –n, s-ne yo-n Aman ‘The patron will bow in reverence to Aman’.
This makes it clear to me that the Beja language is related to Meroitic and that the Beja represent the Blemmy nation of Old. It provides keen information on the Old Sudanese Language.

Friday, December 1, 2017

Meroitic Evidence for a Blemmy Empire in the Dodekaschoinos

.




              


by

Clyde A. Winters, Ph.D
Uthman dan Fodio Institute


     Controversy surrounds the role of the Blemmyans in the Dodekaschoinos . Torok has argued passionately that the Blemmyes were fairly recent settlers of the Dodekaschoinos[1]. Dafa'alla on the otherhand, using historical records argue that their were two groups of Blemmyes in the area one nomadic and the other urban[2]. Dr. Dafa'alla also believes that these urban Blemmyes may have been the "generals of the river" of the Meroitic and Demotic inscriptions[3].
     Updegraff provides a good history of the later period of Blemmyan history[4] . We learn from Updegraff that the Blemmyes may have been mentioned in a New Kingdom onomasticon of Imn-m-ipt [5]. This reference to the Blemmyes is disputed but we do recognize numerous references to the Blemmyes in Demotic texts as early as the 6th century B.C.[6]
     The Meroitic empire was a major power in Africa during the classical period[7]. After the decline of Meroe states appeared in
the area comprising the former Meroitic empire that were heavily influenced by the Meroites, e.g., the Ballana phase[8].


     The role of the Blemmyes in the history of Lower Nubia during the late Meroitic period is unclear [9]. Monnert de Villard[10] , and Hoffman, Tomandl and Zach believe that the Blemmyes were the principal Nubian people living in much of Lower Nubia in the first century A.D.[11] . Torok, on the otherhand , believes that the Blemmyes could not have had a foothold in the Valley before 373 A.D., eventhough they are mentioned in the demotic inscriptions from Philae[12].
      This has led many researchers to conclude that the Nobadae formed the successor Meroitic states after the decline of the Kusa or Kushites of Meroe[13]. The Blemmyes are recognized as a nomadic people associated with the decline of Meroe [14].
Original Kalabsha Temple
     Torok  believes that the Blemmyes did not occupy the area around Kalabsha until between the 390's and the middle of the 5th century [15]. Although this view is held  by many researchers[16], the Kalabsha Meroitic inscription (MI 94, REM 094) suggest that the Blemmyes controlled much of Lower Nubia after the decline of the Meroitic empire.
     The inscriptions of the Ethiopians make it clear that after the Ethiopians conquered the Kushites, the Nobadae were the probable successors of the Kusa in the southern Meroitic empire. But it would appear that the Blemmyes were the dominant power in Lower Nubia when the Meroitic civilization declined.


     The Napatan records make it clear that in the 7th c. B.C. the Blemmyes were entering Lower Nubia[17]. These records make it clear that these people recognized Napatan supremacy. And between the 5th-4th c. B.C. the Blemmyes are reported to be settled in Upper and Lower Nubia where they were defeated by King Harsiyotef[18] .
     The Classical sources make it clear that although the Kushites at Meroe were the dominant power in Nubia and the Sudan at this time, there were also many independent states associated with, or part of the Meroitic empire[19] . In the 3rd-4th c. B. C., Lower Nubia was scarcely populated. But by this time many Blemmyes were settled in Lower Nubia and, and Eratosthenes claims that they were recognized as subjects of the Meroitic Kings[20] .
By the 1st century B.C., Strabo listed the Blemmyes as subjects of the Meroites[21] . During this same period the Nobades were mentioned as living south of Meroe on the west bank of the Nile[22] .
     The Blemmyes worshipped the god Mandulis and probably many of the Meroitic deities as they became acculturated to Meroitic civilization. Due to the large number of Blemmyes in Lower Nubia, a chapel for Mandoulis was built between 206 and 186 B.C., at Kalabsha by King Arqamani.
     The Blemmyes were very powerful by 249-251 A.D., they attacked Egypt[23] . By 297, the Romans were paying a subsidy to the Nobatae to settle the Dodecaschoinos, and act as a "buffer" between the Romans and the Blemmyes[24].


     The Blemmyes appear to have had very intimate relations with the Meroites. The Blemmyes were recognized by the Meroites as an important "subject" group within the Meroitic empire. This would explain Constantine Eusebius mention of the Meroite and Blemmy envoys visit to the Egyptian court [25], probably around 336[26].  V. Christides, claims that the Blemmyes gave Ballana crowns to Emperor Constantine[27].
     In the 370's we begin to hear more about the Blemmyes in Classical sources. In 373, the Blemmyes attacked the Romans in the Dodekaschoinos. This attack is recorded at Philae in a demotic inscription Ph.371[28]. By 374, the Blemmyes were also attacking the Sinai Peninsula[29].
     Although the Meroitic and Classical evidence support the early settlement of the Blemmyes in Lower Nubia by the 1st c. A.D., Torok believes that these people did not settle Lower Nubia before the 390's[30]. He has based this hypothesis on  Claudianus and Epiphanios[31].
   Claudius Claudianus, mentions the Blemmyes in one of his poems. Claudianus was born in Alexandria. He later moved to Romein 394.
    In 404 Claudianus returned to Egypt to find a wife. In a poem written in 404, he located the Blemmyes between Aswan and Meroe[32].
    Epiphanios makes it clear that by 395/6 the Blemmyes had control of Talmis/Kalabsha. He wrote that:" Now Beronike, as it is called is contiguous with the districts of Elephantine and also with Telmis (=Kalabsha) which is now held by the Blemyi"[33].


      The Kalabsha Meroitic inscription support the view that the Blemmyes controlled much of Lower Nubia after the decline of the Meroites. As mentioned earlier as early as 336 the Blemmyes and Meroites made joint embassies to Egypt. This illustrates that the Blemmyes  were probably strongly Meroiticized and had some knowledge of Meroitic and could have written the Kalabsha inscription.


     The Kalabsha inscription is 34 lines. It was found at the lower part of the Northernmost four column denoting the facade of the Kalabsha temple's pronaos[34].
     The Kalabsha inscription is about King Kharamadoye. The location of the Kalabsha inscription suggest that the inscriptions was written before debris covered much of the temple.
     Millet believes that Kharamadoye was a Nobadae ruler[35]. Monneret de Villard believed that the stela was commemorating a King of the Blemmyes[36].
     Most researchers accept the fact that Kharamadoye may have been a Blemmy, due to its similarity to Blemmy names in the Gebelen document[37]. In the Gebelen document there are names of several Blemmyes including Kharakhen, and his sons Kharahiet and Kharapathkur dating to the 6th century.


   Ll. Griffith deciphered the Meroitic script over 70 years ago[38]. Up until recently the inscriptions could be transliterated, but we were unable to read the Meroitic records in their entirety because we did not know the Meroitic language. In 1984 C.A. Winters was able to find the cognate language of Meroitic: Kushana[39] . As a result of this discovery we can read any Meroitic text.[40]
     The Kalabasha inscription is written in Late Meroitic. The grammar of Late Meroitic has been outlined elsewhere[41] .
     Below is the transliteration of the Kalabsha text. In this transliteration of Meroitic, the so called Meroitic separator sign ( : ) is given the meaning -ne. The Meroitic sign  -ne, means 'good' and is used to change verbs into nouns.[42]
         1. hrmdoye ne qor ene ariteñ lne mdes ne mni-t[43] kene
         2. mk lebne ye re qe-ne q yi-t[44]hl-ne y es bo he-ne                 q r lebne tro.
         3. s-ne ariteñ net er ek li s-ne d-b li lh ne q r kene
            qor ene mnpte.
         4. s-ne lw-ne qor e yi-ne-t[45]h-ne-m[46]no tene s-ne lw-ne
            t h-ñ[47] yi-ne qr-ne ariteñ li s-ne.
         5. lw-ne qr-ñ yi-ne so-b[48]neh-l b[49]-ine li.s-ne lw-                ne   so-b-ñ yi-ne th ne-m ote sl w-ne.
         6. th-ñ yi-ne arette[50] ne wos sl w-ne h i ret-te ñ yi-ne
            hr ph ene mk e do.
         7. ke li sl w-ne hr ph e ñ yi-ne. te ri s nem npte ne
            p d ho s-ne tl-o[51].
         8. li s ne  k i d kete tene yimeniye ne qor e-l h-ene
            yi ti IIII yo to-ne.
         9. ptpotekye ne ab-l ene y wi tone s wi d-e-a[52] q to ye-              ne. Tep kene ye d ne  mk lne te.
        10. pk ene y ey k-ne w ye d ne-te pk ene p y k-ne h i w r              nea d o-ne w sne phrs ne t o.


        11. m ñ-ne-a s y ne ke d eb h ek y-ne qor-e ti k-ne d i                k-ne pilqe y-te ne-b q ok.   
        12. lk s-ne sq y-e s-ne nsdoke s-ne tmeyye s-ne nhr e s-               ne-b qo b h.
        13. simlo k-ne d ik ne pilqe y tene b qo lne pr one d
            ol ene pl w-ne penn-ne t.
        14. lte-ne br-ne ph i ñl-ne bh em ine ye de tene-b .                    ye  ke lh d ik ne kdi mlo ye-                                        ne.                                  
        15. sq kdi-ne pt p ot...yismeniye ne y sb  e t ne-b 
            er so wi-ne mte ne w s-ne.
        16. a y e ken l-ne yt p-ote ne y-e[53] d ne y-kl 
            ene  arohetye ne nl ene do lk.
        17. mte l-ne pi ke d el wi-ne y-e d ne ptpotekye ne w  
            kdi wi ke tene mte ws.
        18. qorh-ne th-ñ y-ene tk lwi-ne y sh e t ne-b er ek-       
            n  wi-ne h.
        19. r ph ene de te lh l-ne w e ñ-ne y-e d ne w-o p ik 
             ene  ti-l[54] ye y ki ne.
        20. br lebne ke d e-b h ne. kdi lebne-m ro r 
            lebne s s lebne kb b.
        21. tne p d ho s-ne-l[55] h lebne ye h o y[56]-kene y-te
            tene-m ro r b ene qe.
        22. s w-ne-a d er ek ene-m tr-ne w s-ne h r w-ne 
            pilqe  kene mt r-ne w s-ne.
        23. qor e IIIIIIII hr e s-ne wt e b ne ah ine d e ...
            kl ene d e .


        24. tene we d ine d h ene mte ne kdi ne aqtoyes II wb 
            qo b.
        25. tenen wi d o ne hr e s ye qo ne hresye qo ne wid
            yishteteye qo ne b qo.
        26. b h ne s ml ene w si ne tk b tene ste ne we s-
             ne  b qo b tene.
        27. simlo k-ne d ik ne sl el ey tene-m ho ne temey ne
            nsdoke.
        28. kdi a br ne nhbr e s ne kb h ne-m ho li-ne temey 
            li-ne d k-ne.
        29. p ro-ne d ol pl w-ne penn tl tene br-ne ph ol e ne b
             h em ine.
        30. ye d e tene hr w-ne-a d o ni li  kete-ne yir e 
            q w nea.
        31. r w-ne tere kete-ne hr w-ne sl el e kene-m tr-ne 
             ws yi r-e.
        32. q w nea d lo kene-m tr-ne w s-ne ws-ne. qor ene 
             pt si de ne tm ot-ne .    
        33. m...es ne...pl-ñ pt mk . i  d ene tm-o t ne ari 
            tel ene w o.
        34. pl e .

    Millet did an excellent job in discussing the major points of the Kalabsha inscription, relative to our knowledge about Meroitic in the 1960's[57]. Below is our translation of the Kalabsha inscription now that we can read all the Meroitic words in the text.


      (1) Kharamadoye the monarch and chief of the living Ariteñ, the great son and patron of Amani ,you (who) revitalizes (man). (2) The lord's voyage of discovery indeed gives the creation of Good. Act (now Amani) he travels to support good. Make a good welfare swell (for) the offering of the Chief, (he) desires indeed the restoration of eminence. (3) The patron of good Ariteñ bows in reverence (before Amani) to evoke exalted nourishment (for) the patrons to  leave a grand and exalted legacy to behold good. (Oh Amani make indeed (a) revitalization (of) the monarch (and) commander of Great Napata. (4)Prop (up) good (and) glorify the monarch. (Amani) you give progressively much greatness now (and)the rebirth of the patrons glorification. Establish  his grand eternal wish (for) Good, (Oh) exalted Ariteñ.(5) Glorified he wishes eternal and abundant life at this moment (as) is the exalted Way. Support (for) him a glorified and abundant eternal life  and establish much Good and wonder (for) the king and commander. (6) He establishes the tradition (of) good Harendotes (Horus the Avenger of his father) (Oh) Isis . The king and Commander go(es) to offer boon (and) unite here eternally Good. Mature  dignity (for ) the Commander.God vouchsafe the donation(of Kharamadoye). (7) Revitalize the exalted king and Commander to aspire the gift of dignity (and) vouchsafe eternal good. Here in the city (Kalabsha) prop up the name of Good Napata. Pray to leave a legacy for the soul (of) the upstanding patron (Kharamadoye). (8) The exalted good son, as is obligatory, go(es) to leave a legacy (for) your revitalized rebirth (Kharamadoye). Yimeniye the (new king) to vouchsafe the  great almsgiving (of Kharamadoye) on its voyage to (en)light(ent) (mankind) from a distance. The almsgiving go(es) to arrange 4 (times) the bowing for the rebirth (of Kharamadoye).(9) Good Patapotekaye the father (of) the Commander left vigorous honor (for Kharamadoye ).Prop up (Good that) will leave a legacy (that) acts to initiate (and) give form to Good. Announce in a lofty voice the beginning (of) the journey (for) good bequeathal. (Oh) living God, May it go forth! (10) take aim Commander to form  (a) favor of existence (to) the Object of supplication. Guide the favor of existence (so as) to leave a legacy of your good. Take aim (at this goal) Commander. Pray to go revitalize the offer of alms, go indeed guide now the bequeathal's genesis , to guide and support good Faras. He will commence the bequeathal (now). (11) Much Goodness will be the king's existence. Act to bequeath a great cover and nourishment to form Good. The king go(es) to arrange the revitalize(ation) of Good. Go  to leave a legacy of good (in our) good abode (at) Philae. You have made many good acts to produce (its revitalization now). (12) The Lak were defeated, the Shaqa (were) roll(ed over) and defeated. The Nasadoka were defeated (and) the Tameya (were) roll(ed over) and defeated. The Nakhabar (were) completely and totally defeated (and thereby) restor(ing) much great(ness) (to the Blemmyes). (13) The revitalized Shimalo leaves a legacy in the good place where (he) sojourn to Good Philae. You form much Good and restore the living, pray indeed for the accession (of) the grand donations of the righteous Commander to guide Good everywhere to please (the people).(14) The transmigration (of Kharamadoye) to bring Good with the intention (of) embarkation (of the alms). The Ba and the Kha to teach (us) as is the Way (and) give form to the donation's considerable rebirth. Give form to a grand revitalization (that) leaves a legacy in this good place (is the) duty (of) the innerheart bequeathal.(15) The good women of Shaqa praise and solicit esteem...Yisameniye he consecrates and vouchsafes the arrange(ment) of much good to produce life (for this) Object of Respect (Kharamadoye). Un;ock good and guide (it to the) patron.(16) He asks permission (for) the transmigration to be capable (of) prestige and Good.  His existence leaves a legacy of Good, borne by the Commander. Good Arokhetaye retire the Commander's offering to behold (and) (17) unlock the transmigration. Go pray and ask permission to give this gift of good, his existence leaves a legacy of good. Good Patapotekye (has the) duty guide honor and ask permission (for) the rebirth (of Kharamadoye) to unlock and clothe (it). (18) The monarch's abstract personality it establishes the embarkation. Set in motion glorification he consecrates and vouchsafes much good to produce its nourishment. Good honor (for) the Kha .(19) Indeed with the intention of almsgiving your grand offering exist to guide and vouchsafe Goodness, his existence leaves a legacy of Good steering life to the place where the Commander sojourn(s). Go arrange (now) the journey (and) make (it in ) good order. (20) Sustain the restoration, revitalize the donation (of) the Ba and good Kha. the duty (of) his restoration unlocks indeed the restoration (of) the king. The King's  restoration desires much. (21) the rebirth prays to leave a legacy the soul of the patron (of Ariteñ) a great restoration. the journey of the Kha (is) to open(up) the revitalization. You (Ariteñ) are capable (of) his
rebirth to certainly unlock the Ba of the Commander, (Oh) Creator.(22) The supreme king will leave a legacy that produces his bestowal of eminence guided to the patron (of Ariteñ) superior prestige (for) Philae's revitalization. Break open indeed Good (and) guide it to the patron.(23) The monarch possesses 8 (times) the repute (of any other man). Vouchsafe the patron (and) place (a) grand boon to the Good Ba, to teach ( mankind as is the) tradition. Indeed give...toler(ance) to the Commander's bequeathal. (24) The rebirth gives escort to the donation (as) is the Way; give the Kha almsgiving (and) unlock  Good (for) the good lady Aqtoyesa II (and) guide the Ba to prepare the renewed Ba (for its passage to its new home). (25) Honor the rebirth (of Kharamadoye) to leave a legacy to commence Good and complete dignity (for) the king (on his) journey to restore Good. The honorable and good Khareshaye to leave honor as his legacy. The honorable and good Yiskhateteye desires (its) commence(ment now). (26) The Ba and good Kha props up the spirit of good.  Guide satisfying good to set in motion the Ba's rebirth. The good mother (of Kharamadoye) gives escort to the patron's Ba. Restore the Ba.(27) The revitalized Shimalo leaves a legacy of good (in the ) place of sojourn. Consecrate the king's gift (that) favors his rebirth of the good soul. (Oh) good Temeya (people) and Nasadoke (people). (28) The women and good men of the Nakhabara vouchsafes the good king's desire that his good Kha and soul transmit Good. The Temeya transmits the good donation of the Object of (our) Supplication. (29) Pray the unlock(ing of) Good,the grand donation (possesses ) superior righteous(ness) to spread (and) elevate the rebirth. The Carrier (of the rebirth has) the grand intention to vouchsafe good for the Ba and the Kha to direct (this spread of Good  as) is the tradition.(30) (Kharamadoye is ) capable (of) leaving a legacy (of) complete rebirth. Superior esteem will leave a legacy to commence exalted shinning to ascent indeed eternally. Act to complete his Stewardship. The ascent (of the boon of Good) cleanses the grant of a boon to make guidance (for all) now! (31) Indeed the Commander erects (and) vouchsafes the elevation of superior esteem to consecrate the (King's) gifts to complete his revitalization. (May) eminence dress him forever indeed. (32) Act to guide now the confer(ence) (of) the offering of his eminent revitalization. Guide the patron. Clothe Good to the monarch's almsgiving. Praise the satisfying bequeathal (of Kharadomoye) to produce Approbation and Good.(33) Measure... the manifestation (of) Good...righteous good to praise God. Go give the almsgiving to open (up) the rebirth. Arrange the affirmation (of) Good to elevate the almsgiving to guide open (34) complete praise".


    This inscriptions makes it clear that Kharamadoye was recognized  as an important king in Lower Nubia.It would appear from the inscriptions that his father was Patatekaye and his son and successor was Yisameniye or Icemne.
     The inscription implies that Patatekaye had been the founder of this Blemmy empire which  Kharamadoye inherited (line 9). To illustrate that Kharamadoye was loyal to Patatekaye's trust
Kharamadoye repeats his victory over the Lak, Shaqa, Nasadoke, Temey and Nakhabara people, and his continued control of Philaeand Faras in addition to Shimalo (Kalabsha) in line 12 of the Kalabsha inscription.
        In line 8, we discover that Yismeniye was the son of Kharamadoye. Here the father requested that Yimeniye continue to uphold his honor by maintaining the empire founded by his grandfather Patatekaye. In addition we find that Yisameniye was expected to make the proper offerings to the gods, that would assure Kharamadoye's passage to a blessed hereafter.
     There is evidence that Yisameniye was successful in maintaining the Blemmy empire. Most researchers believe that the pidgin Greek inscription in Kalabsha of Icemne, probably is a reference to Yisameniye.[58]
      The Blemmyes remained the major power in Lower Nubia until 450. The Blemmy empire was conquered by the Noubadaes led by King Silko, after there campaigns against the Blemmyes. [59] According to the Silko inscription Silko defeated the Blemmyan king Phonen.[60]


     In conclusion, the relationship between the Blemmyan and Meroite people is very contradictory. It is clear from the Kalabsha text, that by the end of the Meroitic period, Blemmyans were recognized not only as "generals of the river" but also monarchs in their own right.
     The classical literature makes it clear that while some Blemmyes were enemies of Meroe, other groups were assimilated in the Meroitic empire. This would explain, for example, reports of Meroites and Blemmyes in "mortal combat" in 291; and records dating to 297 detailing the triumph of Diocletian over Meroites and Blemmyes[61].
    The disorders in Lower Nubia and Upper Egypt in the second century which led to the Roman abandonment of this area, may reflect the Blemmyan rise to political importance in Lower Nubia.  Much of the transitional material found in the Dodekaschoines may reflect the permanent settlement of Blemmyes in Lower Nubia along with their king[62]. This hypothesis would correspond to the increasing influence of the Blemmyes in Lower Nubia beginning in Napatan times, and culminating in the joint Meroite-Blemmy embassy to the court of Constantine Eusebius in 336.[63]

     The Blemmyes left many inscriptions at Kalabsha. Shimalo may have been the Blemmy name for Kalabsha.
     In the Kalabsha inscription Shimalo is described as ik "abode or place of sojourn". This may have been the central city of the Blemmy empire founded by Patatekaye. The hand made pottery of the mid-third century A.D. of Kalabsha may have been made by the acculturated Blemmyes who wrote the Meroitic and pidgin Greek inscriptions found in the temple at Kalabsha[64].


     The textual evidence from Kalabsha rejects the hypothesis of Torok that the Blemmyes were primarially nomadic warriors in late Meroitic times. The Kalabsha text discussed above, and the Napatan text make it clear that after the 5th c. B.C. the Blemmyes were becoming more and more numerous in Lower Nubia. This complements the classical and Meroitic evidence that make it clear that the Blemmyes were a major political power in Lower Nubia prior to the 5th c. A.D.
     The Kalabsha text supports Dafa'alla's view that many of the Blemmyes were urban dwellers and that the Blemmy Kings probably had a capital at Shimalo.  This is consistent with the view that the Blemmyes were the dominant Aethiopian group as early as the 1st c. A.D. in Lower Nubia.
     






                           APPENDIX
                    Kalabsha Lexical Items

     Below is a list of the Meroitic lexical items found in the Kalabsha (REM 094) inscription. The Meroitic script has 23 signs. The Meroitic script is a syllabic writing system. Each Meroitic consonant except when followed by the vowel sign /i/, /o/ and /e/ represents the consonant sound plus the vowel /a/. In the vocabulary items listed below we did not add the /a/ sound to the transliteration of the Meroitic characters . There are four syllables in Meroitic ne, se, te and to are represented by separate sounds.
     The Kalabsha inscription is written in the late Meroitic style. Late Meroitic has the VSO pattern[65] .
     The Meroitic language include both prefixes and suffixes, but, suffixes are used extensively in the writing. The popular sentence pattern in late Meroitic inscriptions is -->VP NP or     S--> VP NP VP. For example,
           wto si  lit. to guide you satisfaction
                "You guide (me) to satisfaction".
      terike  lo  wi-ne  s  lit. Fashion dispatch the Awe patron
                 "Fashion (and) dispatch the Awe of the patron".


     Meroitic was probably a lingua franca used by the Meroites to unite the diverse ethnic groups which lived in the Meroitic empire. Although much of the vocabulary of Archaic Meroitic was used to write Late Meroitic text, the Late Meroitic structure is less complicated than Archaic Meroitic.
      Many Meroitic words are homophone signs. A homophone sign has the same phonetic value as another. The interchangeable Meroitic homophones include  b=/=p, t=/=d, k=/=g, s=/=s and
n=/=ñ , e.g., tb / tp 'announce in a lofty voice'.
     The Meroitic separator sign (:) has the phonetic value -ne. This sign in the Meroitic script was used to change verbs into nouns, or signify the word "good". The element -ne-, although it is occasionally used in the initial formation of words, the separator sign -ne, was primarially used as a suffix.
Word List
a1, intensive prefix 'to'; element used to form the future tense
a2, third person suffix 'he, it, she'.
ari, affirmation
ah, teach, to learn, to study
ab, ancestor, father
arrette,  Harendotes (Horus the Avenger of his father)
Ariteñ, name of a god
B
b, Ba (aspect of Man)
b2, plural element, 'many, much , abundant
bo, all; to swell, to inflate
br1, man men
br2, sustain, bring
bh, mature, ripe
D


d, give, bequeath; to leave a legacy
db, leave a grand legacy
de, indeed; give the offering
do, donation, offering; consecrate
E
e1, vouchsafe; give; grant a boon
e2, masculine nominative singular accusative suffix for
e3, complete, complement; register
e-t, vouchsafe the arrangement
eb, cover
el, gift
e-ne, almsgiving
ek, nourishment
ene, Commander, Chief;
em, to teach; to direct
es, welfare, manisfestation
es, welfare, manifestation
ey, favor
H
h, kha
h, great; h-ne 'greatness'
h,  offer alms
hr, dignity
er, produce, evoke
H
h, offering; grand, great


hl, support
ho, soul
hr , repute, esteem
I
i, go
ine, tradition, (as) is the Way
ik, place, spot, ; abode, sojourn, place where (one) sojours
K
k, as is obligatory,k-ne, Object of supplication
kb, to desire
ke, to revitalize; ask permission
kene, origination, revitalization
ketene, ascent
ki, the order, work
kdi, lady; duty
kl, tolerate, bear; borne
L
-l, meroitic ending particle;
l, verb "to be" ; lne 'living, existence'
leb, to restore; leb-ne "restoration".
li, exalted; li-ne 'transmittal, transmit,
lh, behold;  grand, great
lk, Lak , a tribal name
lk, behold
lte, transmigration
lw, to have glory; lw-ne, gloriy


M
m1 ,measure,; great
m2, much, many
m3, third person singular maculine pronoun him , his
mde1, great son                                                 
mde2, proceed, progressively
mk, lord, god
ml, spirit
mlo, innerheart
mni, Amani, a Meroitic god
mt, break open
mte, unlock
N
nea, now
neb, much good
ne, good; intruth
nem, incline
neh, at this moment
net, bow in reverence
ni, shinning
Nsdoke, Nasadoke ( a tribal name)
Nhbr, Nkhabara (tribal name)
nl, retire
Ñ
ñ1, good              
ñ2, third person personal pronoun 'his, him'


ñ-ne, goodness
:
-ne, good
-ne,particle used to change verbs into nouns
O
o, commence, begin, open ; o-ne, genesis
ok, produce
ol, grand
ot, to esteem; ot-ne 'approbation'
ote, admiration, wonder
P
p, beg, solicit, pray
penn, span, extend, spread penn-ne 'everywhere'
pi, go pray
pilqePhilae
pk, take aim
pl, praise, righteous; pl-ñ 'righteous good'
ph, with the intention; to aspire
phrs, Faras
pt, praise
Q
q, make, form; act;  desire
qe creation, qe-ne Creator
qo, honorable, restore
qor, monarch
R


r, indeed, certainly
re, indeed; give indeed
ri, city
ro, unlock
rone, unlocking good
S
s, son; to protect , to support; s-ne prop up
sne, Protector
sl, consecrate
ste, mother
S
s, King, patron ; to protect, to support
sne, defeated, destroyed
so, life, to live
si, satisfy
sh, to consecrate
sh, spirit body
sq, Shaqa (a tribal group)
T
t1, here
t2, third personal pronoun 'he, it, her'
t3, to arrange, to establish
ti, go arrange
tke, set in motion
tk, set in motion
tl, elevate; tl-o 'upstanding'


tm, to produce, to be born; tm-o 'open up the rebirth
Tmey, Tameya ( a tribal group)
tr, to be eminent, tr-o 'emminence';tr-ne "Eminent"
Te
-te, second person pronoun usually used with males 'you, your'
te, to place, to put
tene, rebirth
tel, to elevate,
tep, to announce in a lofty voice
ter, to erect
To
-to, second personal feminine suffix 'you, your'
to, light, to initiate, to kindle; to shine; tone vigorous
toh, to establish
W
w, to guide, to leade, to steer; w-ne "Commander, Steward, Chief;
   w-o, 'steering, guiding'
wb, to prepare
we, to give escort
wi, honor; wi-ne "Object of Respect, Awe'; good honor'
wid, leave honor as the legacy
ws, dress, clothe
wt, place, put
Y
y, to make, to form
ye, to be capable


y-ne, form good
yi, to travel, to journey
yi-ne, progressively; eternal
yir, cleanse, purify
yete, it is capable
   




                           END NOTES


[1].L. Torok, Late Antique Nubia, Antaeus, Communicationes Instituto Archaeologico Academie Scientiarum Hungaricae. Budapest1987.

[2].Samia B. Dafa'alla, The historical role of the Blemmyes in Late Meroitic and Early X-Group periods, Beitrage zur Sudanforschung 2 (1987), pp. 34-40.
[3].Ibid., p. 38.
[4]. R. T. Updergraff, "The Blemmyes I: The rise of the Blemmye and the Roman withdrawal from Nubia under Diocletian". In Rise and Decline of the Roman World, (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1988) pp.44-96.
[5].Ibid., p.55.
[6].Ibid. , p.57.
[7].David O'Connor, Ancient Nubia: Egypt's Rival in Africa,Philadelphia: The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania,1994; and Samia B. Dafa'alla, " Art and Industry: The achievements of Meroe", Expedition 35, no.2 (1993), pp.15-27.
[8].W.Y. Adams, "Medieval Nubia:Another Golden Age", Expedition 35, no.2 (1993), pp.28-39.
[9].Fritze Hintze, "The Meroitic Period". In Africa in Antiquity IBrooklyn:The Brooklyn Museum , 1978.
[10].Ugo Monneret de Villard, Storia della Nubia cristiana.  Rome : Pont. Institutim Orientalium Studiorum, 1938.
[11].L. Torok, "Summary discussion", Meroitica  10, (1986) pp.365-379.
[12].E. Bresciani, Grafffiti demotiques du Dodekaschene. Le Claire, 1969.
[13].See N.B. Millet, Meroitic Nubia, Ph.D Dissertation, Yale University . UMI Dissertation Service,1988 .
[14]. W.Y. Adams,Nubia, Corridor to Africa,( London:Penguin,1977) p.388 and Torok, "Late Antique Nubia", p.45.

[15].L. Torok, "The Blemmyes I:Additional remarks". In Rise and Decline of the Roman World, (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1988) pp.97-106; and L. Torok, "A contribution to post Meroitic Chronology: The Blemmyes in Lower NubiaMeroitic Newsletter , 24 (1985), pp. 1-96.
[16].F. Ll. Griffith, Meroitic Inscriptions II, London, 1912; Updegraff, p.79; Millet , Op Cit.; and Torok, "Late Antique Nubia ".
[17]Torok, Late Antique Nubia, p.44.
[18]. Stela Cairo JE 48864.
[19]Dafa'alla, p.36.
[20].Eratosthenes in Strabon, XVll, 1,2.
[21]Strabo, Geography 17.1.52-53.
[22].Pliny, N.H.,Vl, 192.
[23].Millet, p.62.
[24]. Procopius, De Bello Persico, I,19. 27ff.
[25].Eusebius, V.C.,1V, 7.
[26].Torok, "Late Antique Nubia, p.31.
[27].V. Christides, The Image of the Sudanese in Byzantine Souces, Byzantinoslavico, 43 (1982), pp.8-17.
[28]. F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of Demotic Graffiti of the DodekaschoenusLondon 1937.
[29]Torok, "Late Antique Nubia" p.46.
[30]. Torok, "The Blemmyes I: Additional remarks", pp. 98-99.
[31].Torok, Ibid, p.44-46.
[32].Ibid., p.48.
[33].Par. 244, PG XLlll 337; and T. Edide, T. Hagg, and R.H. Pierce, Greek, Latin and Coptic sources of Nubian HistorySudanTexts Bulletin 2, (1980) 3-15: p.10.
[34].F. Ll. Griifith, Meroitic Inscriptions II. LondonEgypt Exploration Fund, 1917 ; Millet, Op Cit.
[35].Millet, p.271.

[36].Monneret de Villard, p.25.
[37].J. Krall, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Blemyer und Nubier. Wien: Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1898.
[38].Griffth, Op. Cit.
[39].C.A. Winters, "A Note on Tokharian and Meroitic", Meroitic Newsletter, no.23 (1984), pp.18-21; and C. A. Winters, "Chiekh Anta Diop et le Dechiffrement de l'ecriture Meroitique", Revue Martiniquaise de Sciences Humaines et de Litterature, no.8 (1988),pp.141-153.
[40].Winters, C.A.(1998). Meroitic funerary text. Part 1, Inscription Journal of Ancient Egypt, 1 (1), 29-34;WintersC.A.(1998b). Meroitic funerary text. Part 2, Inscription Journal of Ancient Egypt, 1 (2), 41-55;Winters,C.A. (1999). Inscriptions of Tanydamani, Nubica et Ethiopica, IV/V, 355-388.
[41].Winters, "Inscriptions of Tanyidamani", passim.
[42].Winters, "Chiek Anta Diop et le dechiffrement de l'ecriture Meroitique" , Op Cit.
[43].This -t suffix is used to form the Meroitic adverb 'here', it can also serve as the Meroitic 3rd person singular suffix 'he,she,it'.
[44].This is use of the Meroitic -t element to form the 3rd person singular 'he'.
[45].Here we see use of the -t suffix to form the second person singular suffix 'you, your'.
[46]. This -m suffix is sued in Meroitic to form the plural: 'much,many'.
[47].This is the 3rd person singular suffix 'he,it,she'.
[48]. This -b suffix is used to form the plural in Meroitic.
[49].This b- prefix is used to form the imperfect in Meroitic.
[50].Millet believes that this word arette, may relate to Harendotes or Horus the avenger of his father.
[51].This -o suffix is used to  change Meroitic nouns into adjectives, e.g., qo 'act', qo-o 'acting'; w 'to guide',
w-o 'guiding'. The Meroitic adjectives are placed behind the noun.

[52].The -a- affix has many uses in Meroitic. It can be used to form the preterit e.g., lo 'to dispatch', lo-a 'dispatched'; the plural e.g., Qoshne 'Kushite', Qoshne-a "Kushites'; and also the Meroitic subjunctive or future tense e.g., d e 'leave a legacy',
d-e-a 'will leave a legacy'.
[53].This -e suffix is used to form the  singular nominative accusative in Meroitic.
[54].The -l element in Meroitic denotes the verb 'to be'.
[55].This -l, is the Meroitic ending particle.
[56].This -y is sued as an intensive prefix in Meroitic.
[57].Millet, Op Cit.
[58].Millet, p.207.
[59].Torok, "Late Antique Nubia", p.56.
[60].T. C. Skeat, E.G, Turner, and C.H. Roberts, "A Letter from the King of the Blemmyes to the King of the Nubians", Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 63, (1977) pp.159-170.
[61].L. Torok, "The Historical Background: Meroe North and South". In Nubian Culture Past and Present, (Ed.) by Tomas Hagg (Stockholm:Almquist and Wisksell International, 1987), pp.139-230.
[62].Bruce Williams, "A Chronology of Meroitic Occupation below the Fourth Cataract", Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 22, (1985) pp.149-195.
[63].Eusebius, V.C., IV,7.
[64].E. Strouhal, Wadi Qitna and Kalabsha--SouthPrague, 1984.
[65].Winters, " Inscriptions of Tanydamani ", passim.