Sunday, May 24, 2015

Craniometrics Show Differences between AMH and Prehistoric Man

Cranial differences exist between amh and prehistoric African populations. The indication of cranial phenotypic differences is mainly in cranonical variates relating to brow and eyebrow ridges. The most ancient Blacks have prominent sloping ridges. Succeeding amh have less prominent brow and eyebrow ridges.

The articles below show slight variations among and within the contemporary populations 

being studied.

Morphometric cranial identity of prehistoric Malawians in the light of sub-Saharan African diversity.

Am J Phys Anthropol. 2006 May;130 (1):10-25.


Am J Hum Biol. 2010 Jan-Feb;22(1):23-35. doi: 10.1002/ajhb.20908.

A geometric morphometric approach to the quantification of population variation in sub-Saharan African crania. 

This is not surprising you would not expect to see too much variation between
 the cranial measurements of modern African populations.

When we began this discussion we were talking about Out of Africa ( OoA) events,

and the cranial measurements of the exiting population. As I made it clear overtime
the brow and eyebrow ridges have decreased, That is why you find marked differences 
between the ancient craniums and modern craniums. The most ancient Blacks have
prominent sloping ridges.

Below is the ancestor of Neanderthals



Here is a picture of Neanderthal man


By 100kya Neanderthal looked like this


As you can see, there is little difference between the African ancestor of Neanderthals,

 and the Neanderthals themselves who migrated out of Africa into Europe, both
 populations have broad or prominent eyebrow ridges . Theonly modern Negro 
population with prominent eyebrow ridges are the Australians.


Contemporary African and Black amh populations have less prominent brow and 

eyebrow ridges beginning with Cro-Magnon man. Here we have Cro-Magnon or
 Aurignacian man

Contemporary Afro-Indians

Note the less prominent eyebrow ridges. That is why the authors in the articles you cited did not find too much variation between and among contemporary African populations may they be Bantu or Khoisan and Anu (Pygmy).

As you can see there was a difference between the eyebrow ridges of the earliest OoA migrants and contemporary Black and Afro-Indo populations.

Denisovans were also Blacks.


Note the sloping eyebrow ridges of this hominid that reflect the prehistoric human form.


Note the less prominent eyebrow ridges among amh like Grimaldi man.



Friday, May 22, 2015

New Photos 1: Black Native Americans






Wednesday, May 20, 2015

The Mande Language, Nanticoke and Lenape

Around 25,000 Mande speakers set sail for the Americas in the 1300’s
from the Mali Empire of West Africa. Some of these Mande speakers
may have been the ancestors of the Nanticoke.


In A.D. 1312, Emperor Abubakari Muhammad , of Mali gave his
throne to Mansa Musa and embarked with his fleet into the Atlantic
 Ocean in search of the continent  opposite Africa. Archaeological and
epigraphic evidence indicates that Abubakari, and or members of his
 expedition settled in pre-Columbian Brazil.

The Indians have a tradition that Mansar Akban was the leader of
another tribe which discovered the Cunan people.This Mansar Akban,
may be a reference to Mansa Abubakari, who led the Malian voyagers
to the Americas.

The Manding lived in mounds along the Niger rivers. The mound
 cultures of ancient  America were built by Africans primarily Manding.
The people of the Niger Delta  formed river riverine communities which
were partly vegetation with some aquatic animals were eaten.

The ancient Manding built several types of homes. In ancient times
they built masonry houses and cliff dwellings identical to those found
in the American  Southwest. In Medieval times they lived on mounds
in the most watery areas  in their circular huts made a stone and wood
 on the top and their fields in front of the mounds tilled each day.

The Malian people introduced their technology to the Americas. The
Manding built dwellings depending on the topography . Near rivers
they lived on mounds. In  semi-arid regions they lived in cliff houses,
 like those found in the Southwest.

 Today the Dogon who trace their descent to the Mande live in identical
dwellings  as those found in Colorado ,where Manding inscriptions dating
to the A.D. 1000 's  have been found related to the Pueblo culture.

According to Cadamosto the Mali marines wore white caps on their heads
and a white tunic. On the side of the skull-caps worn by the Malian
marines,a white wing  decoration was emblaxoned, and a feather
was stuck in the  middle of the skull cap.

On board each naval vessel stood a marine with a round leather
shield on the arm and a short sword. Other marines were armed with
bows and arrows .

Murphy reported that the Malian military wore a uniform consisting
of sandles, loose fitting cotton breeches reaching down to the knees,
 a sleeveless tunic, and a white headdress of either cotton or leather,
decorated with one or more
 feathers .
The major weapons of the Malian soldier included iron-pointed spears,
 daggers  and short swords, wooden battle-clubs and the bow and arrow .

The Malians left many inscriptions in the United States and elsewhere after
they arrived in the Americas. These inscriptions are of two kinds. One group
of inscriptions were meant to warn the Manding expeditionary force not to camp
 in certain areas.



Daniel G. Brinton, in On Certain Supposed Words, Shown to be of African
Origin (Am. Antiquarian and Oriental Journal (1887) ), argues that the Mande numerals recorded  by J.C. Pyrlaeus, were probably the numerals of a run away slave, because
they were of Mande origin. This was pure speculation on Brinton’s part because there
were many Black Native American tribes on the Eastern coast of North America.

This was speculation on Brinton’s part, because he acts as if Pyrlaeus would have
been unfamiliar with the Indians where he lived. Also, because the Nanticokes were
very dark Brinton due to emphasis on Blacks being mainly slaves just assumed
that the Nanticoke could not be Indian, since they were dark skinned.
Although this is Dr. Brinton’s opinion there are a number of historical events
relating to the Nanticoke.

Which can explain why the numerals collected by Murray are dissimilar to the
 Nanticoke numerals collected by Father Pyrlaeus.
The word list collected by Murray can be found on line at

This list of words comes from a certain Mrs. Mulberry. Below is a comparison
 of the original Nanticoke numerals collected by J.C. Pyrlaeus, and the vocabulary
collected  by Murray .


If you make a perusal of the comparison of the Murray Nanticoke and

Lanape the numerals are just about the same.

Pyrlaeus collected the numerals in 1741, this was 50 years before Murray

collected  his vocabulary. By this time the Nanticoke had been separated.
They originally  They originally lived in Delaware See: map

By this time most Nanticoke had moved to Wyoming, Pennsylvania and even

 New York. Because the Nanticoke fought with the Bristish during the
 Revolutionary War, many were resettled in Canada. Mrs. Mulberry lived
 along the Choptank River. As a result , of the Revolutionary War and
 European encroachment of Nanticoke land the Nanticoke, had joined the
  Lenape tribe. It is obvious from this word list and numerals collected by
Murray by 1792, many Nanticoke were mainly speaking Lenape.
This would explain the similarity between the Murray Nanticoke numerals
and the Lenape numerals.

The Nanticoke numerals collected by Father Pyrlaeus indicate that Mande

speakers lived in the Chesapeake Bay and Delaware, and contributed to
the rise of the Nanticoke Nation. The Murray list of Nanticoke in no way
means that the Nanticoke did not originally speak a Mande languages.
It just shows that after 50 plus years of the Nanticoke living among the
Lenape, most of the Nanticoke were speaking Lenape instead of their native

Are the Nanticoke Descendants of the Mande Voyages to America

A good example of the Malians in the North America are the Nanticokes. The Nanticokes were described by B.S Barton as very dark. This tribe of Black Native Americans formerly lived in the Chesapeake Bay and Delaware. They later settled in Wyoming, Oklahoma and Canada.


During the Revolutionary War, the Nanticoke sided with the British and many Nanticoke migrated to Canada, while others went into hiding or moved out West. By 1867, the Nanticoke moved to Kansas with the Lenape. There chiefdoms were called Monie, Wicomoco and Manokin (,Mandekan ?).

In 1741-51, J.C. Pyrlaeus collected the Numerals of the Nanticoke. This was before the Revolutionary War. Around this time the Conoy people joined their tribe.

The numerals collected by Pyrlaeus when they were compared to other numerals by Murray in 1873, they did not match numerals in any known Indian language. Brinton found that they were identical to Malinke-Bambara numerals.


These numerals make it clear the Nanticoke were descendants of the Malian explorers.

Below are Nanticoke at the Lenape-Nanticoke annual celebration.




Friday, May 1, 2015

Ibrahim Khoury's bias led him to dispute Ahmad b. Majid's Authorship of all the Verses of the as-Sufaliyya

Ibrahim Khoury’s translation of the Sofala Arjûza (Urguza) and the comments therein are biased. When Khoury wrote his book he had the self-conviction that Ahmad ibn Majid never met Vasco da Gama. As a result, he undervalued the breath of knowledge ibn Majid had regarding navigation in the Muslim World. As a result, he took for granted the ability of Majid to keep up with latest events relating to navigation in the Indian Ocean.

Ibrahim Khoury ( Ed.), The Poem of Sofala, by Ahmad ibn Majid, he acknowledges on the title page that ibn Majid, lived between 1431 and 1510 [
 ]. This indicates that ibn Majid probably lived to be 81. If he died in 1510, ibn Majid would have heard of many adventures of the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean.

Instead of respecting the birth and death dates for ibn Majid, Khoury had the certainty that ibn Majid had not met the Vasco da Gama and he did not know about the Portuguese. As a result, he takes for granted what ibn Majid wrote in the Sofala arjuza, and claims that 105 verses in the Sofala arjuza were probably written by someone else. 

Khoury based his conjecture on five points: “These evidence may be outlined under five topics the [1] date of the composition of as-Sufaliyya, [2] the old age or the death of Ibn Magid, [3] the dates for the first Portuguese voyages to India, [4] the number of verses in as-Sufaliyya, and [5] its doubtful unity in the photocopy”.

These “five topics”, is not hard evidences. First, of all he says the date of the composition of the poem would preclude its creation during the period of the Portuguese expansion in the Indian Ocean. This is a straw man argument, because Khoury admits that “Nothing is said specifically about the time of its composition” (pg.15).

To date the Sofala arjuza he uses information found in the amended “Golden Poem”. Khoury argues that the original version of the “Golden Poem” was probably written before 880 H/1475 AD, since it was mentioned in the al-Fawa’id (pg.16). 

Khoury argues that “On the basis of this evidence , Ibn Majid could not possibly have reported in as-Safiliyya any material event or incident, not yet happended and occurring after 880H /1475AD, or, with extreme indulgence after 895H/1489AD, that is, in both cases, a very long time after he had finished his poem”.
Although Khoury bases his entire argument that any information in the Sofala arjuza about the Portuguese was not written by ibn Majid by dating the poem back to 1475 , he notes that the version of the “Golden Poem”, he uses to date as-Sufaliyya was amended in 1489.

Khoury’s acknowledgement that he was basing his dating of “Golden Poem” on the version amended 895H/1489 AD, indicates that Majid amended his work as new knowledge about navigation came to his attention. 
Since, Khoury knew the “Golden Poem” had been written in 1475, and amended in 1489, this should have been a clue to Khoury that the Sofala arjuza could have also been amended. As a result, the as-Sufaliyya, probably dates back at least to 1489.

Khoury’s contention that information about the Portuguese in as-Sufaliyya was not written by ibn Majid because the events in “both cases, a very long time after he [Majid] had finished his poem”. This is pure conjecture because, Khoury admits, “Nevertheless, the amended version of the “Golden Poem of 895H/1489, mentions 16 poems which have been composed before “ad-Dahibyya”. As-Sufaliyya is cited by name among them”(pg.16). Since the “Golden Poem” was amended in 1489, there is no way we can positively say that the Sofala arjuza was not amended before Majid died in 1510.

This view is supported by Khoury in note #1. In note #1 Khoury notes that the “Golden Poem” was amended in 1489, and the Kitab al- Fawa’id, was abridged the same year. This begs the question that if both “Golden Poem” and Kitab al Fawa’id were updated in 1489, why is it impossible for Khoury to believe that ibn Majid could have updated the Sofala arjuza.

Khoury bases his conclusion that Majid did not know anything about the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean, because the Chronicler Ibn Muțahhar says nothing about the first voyage of Vasco da Gama. In fact, Ibn Muțahhar does not discuss the Portuguese until they attacked the port of Aden ,Yemen 1513 (pp.19-21). Khoury feels that ibn Muțahhar would have mentioned the da Gama voyage if it was known to contemporary chroniclers in Arabia.

Khoury citing ibn Muțahhar as the foundation for his declaration that 105 verses in the Sofala arjuza was unfounded. It was Khoury’s misconjecture on how ibn Majid obtained knowledge about navigation and the nautical sciences that gave Khoury the self-conviction to deny ibn Majid the agency in writing 105 new verses to the Sofala arjuza.

Ibn Majid made it clear in his writings that he would keep his Rutters current and up-to-date. Ibn Majid wrote “I swear twice by God, he said, it is most probably, in my deep hard think[ing], that the pilots will leave all the writing of the ancient and new Navigators and rely upon my say[ing]s in poetry and prose, to improve themselves to the extreme and final degrees” (p.26).

Ibn Majid did not depend on Chroniclers to provided him knowledge about events that were happening on the Seven Sea. Majid was in constant communication with “expert pilots”, who would have kept him informed about development in the Indian Ocean. In verse 554, Majid wrote “The above people [pilots] contact each other. A sea separates them. They have a terrestrial boundary extending the sea shore at the west. Experienced pilots told me about them” (p.76). Majid noted in verse 630, “I retained only the true information reported by the experienced pilot” (p. 81).

Khoury also claims that the dates in the Sofala arjuza are off and not accurate. This is not true. In verse 27, Majid wrote “The Franks went to Calicut, take this useful information, in 906H, even after” (p.89). The date 906H, is 1501 AD, this corresponds to Vasco da Gama returning to India and blockade of Arab access to the Red Sea.

In conclusion, when Khoury claims that the additions to the Sofala arjuza were not written by Majid he is mistaken. The amendment of the “Golden Poem”, Kitab al -Fawa’id and probably Sofala arjuza in 1489, makes it clear that he could have added the additional 105 verses to the as-Sufaliyya before he died in 1510, as he obtained new information from his pilot contacts.

Some researchers claim that if Majid was not the pilot that led Vasco da Gama to India, and there was no way that he could have met da Gama prior to his voyage to India. This is not necessarily true. Vasco Da Gama was stationed in Tangiers in 1478, and the two navigators could have met at this time. As noted above, Majid made a habit of questioning navigators about their nautical knowledge, he would not have been afraid to talk to the Franks (Europeans) to learn about their ability as navigators.

This possibility is supported by ibn Majid in the Sofala arjuza verse 106, where Majid wrote “He [Allah], exclusively , granted me the privilege to voyage to all countries, [and] guides and led me safely to my destinations” (p.95). Since ibn Majid traveled to all countries he probably visited Tangiers, and maybe even ports in West Africa. We know he was well acquainted with navigation throughout the Muslim world through his own travels or as he notes in verse 565, “I relate what regards the Sudan and Magrib, as reported by an experienced man” (p.77). I did not see any discussion of navigation in Sudan and Magrib in the Sofala arjuza, so it may be in one of the other Rutters, translated by T. A. Chumovsky, Tres roteiros desconhecidos de Ahmad Ibn-Madjid, o piloto Árabe de Vasco da Gama .