Monday, April 30, 2018

THE STRUCTURE OF AFRICALOGICAL SOCIAL SCIENCE REVOLUTIONS:THE CASE OF ANCIENT AFROCENTRIC HISTORICAL STUDIES


Abstract

In this paper we examine the structure of the africalogical ancient history scientific methods, paradigms and heroes. We also explain and discuss the major empirical generalizations associated with the africalogical study of ancient history and the "Ancient Model" and how they predicted the immense role Africans played in not only in ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia and Greece, but also the rise of civilization in ancient China and the Americas.


The structure of africalogical social science revolution :The case of ancient afrocentric historical studies 

The African -American is a product of his cultural and historical experience in the United States and the legacy of his African heritage. This cultural and historical dichotomy has greatly influenced the africalogical study of early history.
Due to the African heritage of African Americans, scholars from this group have used africalogy to study their history for almost two hundred years. Africalogy is the "afrocentric study of phenomena, events, ideas and personalities related to Africa" (Asante, 1990, 4). The "africalogical enterprise" include any geographical region where Africans exist today or formerly inhabited in ancient times.
In the africalogical social sciences, researchers look at the history and society of African people from an African centered or afrocentric perspective. The Afrocentrist connects Africans in America and elsewhere to thousands of years of history and civilization.
The Afrocentric study of early history (ASEH) is a mature science . Ancient afrocentric historical studies is a human science which seeks to explain historical, social and cultural experiences of Black\African people in ancient times.
The role of mature Afrocentric human\social science research is to detail the "Ancient Model" of history (Winters, 1994; Bernal, 1987, 1991). It is the "Ancient Model" of history which provides the essential directions and map-making of the africalogical study of early history. Kuhn (1996) noted that:
"Normal science consists in the actualization of that promise, an actualization achieved by extending the knowledge of those facts that the paradigm displays as particularly revealing, by increasing the extent of the match between those facts and the paradigm's predictions, and by further articulation of the paradigm itself "(p.24).
The "Ancient Model" of history practiced by Afrocentric researchers of history is based on the classical literature and the Old Testament. The classical scholars: Herodutus, Homer and Strabo made it clear that Egypt and civilizations in Europe and Asia were founded by Black\African people.
Herodutus made it clear from his comparison of the black Colchis and Egyptians that both of these peoples were ethnically Black Africans (Rawlinson, 1928, 88). Herodutus also made it clear that the Egyptians founded colonies in Greece (Rawlinson, 1928).
Strabo in his Geography (Book 1, Chap.3, par.10), inspite of his chauvisim maintained that "Egyptians settled Ethiopia and Colchis". In addition, Diodorus of Sicily wrote that:
The Ethiopians say that the Egyptians are one of their colonies which was brought in[to] Egypt by Osiris. They even allege that this country was originally under water.... (Diop, 1974, 1-2).
In addition to the works of Homer, Diodorus and Herodutus, other classical writers made it clear that the Egyptians (Graves, 1980, 27-30) and Libyans (Graves, 1980, 31-35, 44-45) settled Greece and parts of the Aegean.
The Old Testament literature also implied that the early civilizations of the world were all founded by Black\Africans. In the Book of Genesis (x, 6-16) we discover that Black people, the children of Ham, founded civilization in Egypt, Kush, Phoenicia, and Mesopotamia.
As a result of the "Ancient Model" developed by the classical and Biblical writers we find that Blacks were early civilizers of the world. The paradigm or empirical generalization for the "Ancient Model" of ancient history stated simply is: 1) Egypt, Ethiopia, Greece and Mesopotamia was first inhabited and civilized by Blacks\Africans in early times.
Moreover, the archaeological evidence makes it clear that the ancient people of Egypt, Greece and Mesopotamia possessed a highly developed science. They also possessed writing: Libyco-Berber (or the Manding writing), Proto-Sumerian/ Proto-Elamite writing, Egyptian hieroglyphics and demotic, and the cuneiform writing of the Sumerians, Elamites and Akkadians/Babylonians (Winters, 1985a).
This model of history was normal social science until the beginning of the Atlantic Slave trade. During the Atlantic Slave trade, Africans were sold into bondage in Europe and of Americas. To justify this inhuman, vile and mean trade in human beings European philosophers in the 18th century created and "Aryan Model" of history to explain their domination of the Amerindians , and African slaves in the Western Hemisphere.
The "Aryan Model" of history, contrary to the "Ancient Model" of the classical and Biblical writers, maintains that Greek civilization was founded by Indo-European speaking Greeks, and that each ancient civilization was founded autonomously by the people who presently live in modern Asia, Europe and Egypt.
A "typical" example of the proponents the "Aryan Model" is David Hume. The Scottish philosopher David Hume (1875) attempted to prove the inferiority of African Americans, and Blacks in general in 1753, when he observed that there was a "lack of learning among them" (Vol. 1, 252). In other words, the alleged "universal illiteracy" among African slaves was evidence of their inferiority. In addition, Hume cited other alleged deficits of Blacks including 1) the absence of kingdoms among them; 2) the lack of literacy; 3) the dark complexion evidenced inferiority; and 4) the Blacks\Africans possessed no arts, no science and no letters (Hume, 1875).
Hume (1875) and later European philosophers abandoned the "Ancient Model" of history and created the "Aryan Model" due to their European centeredness. this Eurocentric view of history, culture and society placed Europe and Europeans at the center of social and cultural universal.
At the base of Eurocentricism is the doctrine of white supremacy. This ideological foundation aims to thwart the African-Americans search for manhood and self-assertion, when ever they encounter intensified prejudice by white Americans.
A major component of Eurocentricism is the notion of African-American intellectual inferiority. As a result, European scholars can write and research the history of any people on earth. African-Americans on the otherhand, are believed to lack the intellectual capacity to conduct research, let alone write history.
Due to the alleged intellectual inferiority of Africans it is believed that they are unsuited to write ancient history, international affairs, or archaeology. This may result from several factors especially racial bias and social position. These factors are important ,because of the fact that formerly persons writing on these topics usually came from well-to-do families that could provide them with the capital to undertake research activities abroad. This belief by many researchers has ghettoized many African American scholars and authors , to writing only about slavery, the slave trade and/or the cycle of poverty typified by life in the urban centers of the United States.
In the 19th century, many African American freemen knew how to read and write. They were also expert in Latin and Greek, and were intimately familiar with the classical and Old Testament literature. These African American scholars, contrary to many contemporary scholars began to conduct their own research and revive the "Ancient Model" of history in the 19th century and founded the africalogical study of ancient history (ASAH).
Philosophical Basis for the
Africalogical study of ancient history
There are four philosophical schools associated with the afrocentric study of ancient history: perennialist, essentialist, existentialist, and progressivist. The taxonomic system we use to classify the various afrocentric philosophical positions and related values affecting afrocentrism are modeled on philo-sophical developments associated with education.
We can use taxonomies of educational philosophies to discuss any proposed afrocentric curriculum because both education and philosophy are "cultural experiences". Moreover, because afrocentrism seeks to explain and delineate the story of African people, it clearly is a field of study which encompasses all aspects of the culture of Black and African people (Asante, 1990, 1991; Winters, 1994).
The perennialist afrocentrists study the great works. The adherents of this school include Martin Delaney (1978), Cornish and Russwurm (1827), Frederick Douglas (1966), and Edward Blyden (1869). These Afrocentrists see knowledge as truth, which is eternal.
The essentialist afrocentric school emphasize in their writing data that is well established through scientific research. Afrocentrists of this philosophical school include W. E. B. DuBois (1965, 1970), John Jackson (1974), C.A. Winters (1985, 1989, 1991, 1994) and Leo Hansberry (1981). They believe that as new research is published, it should be analyzed to discover how it relates to the ancient history of African and Black people to enrich our understanding of the past.
The existentialist afrocentrists believe that africalogical studies should thrive to teach African people to know more about themselves so we can have a better world. The afrocentric existentialists include J.A. Rogers, Anta Diop (1974, 1991), G.M. James (1954), Marcus Garvey (1966) and A.A. Schomburg (1979).
Dr. Winters has written extensively on the ancient history of the African diaspora. He has numerous sites on the web were explains the ancient history of African people. His major work is Afrocentrism: Myth or Science
. In Afrocentrism: Myth or Science Dr. Winters provides a detailed discussion of how to study Afrocentrism and provides an intimate and detailed study of the ancient Black civilizations outside Africa in Europe, Asia and the Americas.
The final afrocentric philosophical school is the progressivist. The afrocentric school of progressivism believes that we should have knowledge of the process and futuristic focus on afrocentric studies. The major exponent of this frame of reference is Molefi K. Asante (1991).
In regards to the afrocentric view that the Egyptians were Black Africans we must look to the afrocentric perennialists. The perennialists founded the afrocentric ancient history curriculum. The perennialist school is associated with Frederick Douglas (1966) and Martin Delaney (1978). These Afrocentrists writing in the 19th century placed the great works of the past center stage in the formulation of their afrocentric ancient history knowledge base.
The perennialists postulated that you should use the Bible and the writings of the classical scholars who recognized the "Ancient Model" of history (i.e., Blacks played a major role in ancient history) in deciding on what to teach people about the ancient history of African Americans. The Old Testament provides annals of the ancient Empires of Africa and Mesopotamia.
In the Old Testament the Blacks are recognized as the sons of Ham. According to the Old Testament narrative found in the Book of Genesis (10:6), the children of Ham, are alleged to be the founders of all the ancient civilizations including Kush (the Ta Seti, and C-Group cultures of Nubia and the Sudan; the Sumerians of Mesopotamia and the Elamites of Iran), Mizraim (the founder of the Egyptians), Phut (the civilizations of ancient Ethiopia/ South Arabia), and Canaan (the early Canaanites and Hatians of ancient Palestine). The Old Testament narrative and the classical literature was important to the perennialists because it already recognized the division of Black people of Africa into two groups: the Semitic (Canaan and Phut) speakers and Black African (Egypt, Sumer and Elam) speakers (Winters 1985, 1989, 1991).
                                              Africalogical Paradigms of ancient history
As a result of the "Ancient Model" scientific efforts of africalogical ancient history researchers of the diverse philosophical schools discussed above is organized around two theoretical or empirical generalizations\paradigms. An empirical generalization is 'an isolated proposition summarizing observed uniformities of relationships between two or more variables" (Merton, 1957, 95), a "scientific law" is "a statement of invariance derivable from a theory" (Merton, 1957, 96).
The two paradigms associated with ASAH developed by the perennialist afrocentric scholars are:
(1) Black\African people are the children of Ham;
(2) Blacks founded the first civilizations in Asia
(Sumer, Babylon and Elam), Africa (Egypt, Ethiopia
and Libya\ North Africa) and Europe (Greece and
Crete).
The normal scientific research in africalogical ancient historical studies is directed toward the articulation of those phenomena and theories supplied by the ASAH to deduce new paradigms.
Due to the foundation of africalogical ancient research by the afrocentric perennialists, ASAH research is paradigm based. As a result, africalogical ancient historical fact-gathering, that is the historical, linguistic and anthropological data through which afrocentric scientists inform their colleagues ( and the public at large) is based on these paradigms.
The theoretical paradigms of the ASAH provide africalogical researchers with the criterion for choosing the problems and solutions to social science phenomena including:
(1) the design of research phenomena;
(2) the maps or areas of research; and
(3) the interpretation of research results.
The paradigms for ASAH predicted four hypothesis that were unknown at the time the "Ancient Model" of history was developed, to guide the development of scientific knowledge for the africalogical study of early history. These propositions based on the "Ancient Model" are:
(1) If Blacks founded civilization in Asia and Africa
, they may have influenced civilization in the Americas.
(2) If Blacks founded civilization in West Asia, Africa and
Europe, archaeological data will support their earlier
presence in these regions of the world.
(3) If Blacks founded the first civilizations, they also
invented writing and other elements of social and
scientific technology.
(4) If Blacks founded civilization they probably founded
civilization throughout Asia and Europe.
Given the two empirical paradigms and four predicted hypothesis related to the "Ancient Model", africalogical ancient history research should increase the precision of the application of afrocentric research methods and scope of research in this area so as to answer three questions in the mature afrocentric social science. Research in the afrocentric social sciences seeks to answer three classes of questions based on the ASAH paradigms:
(1) the determination of significant ASAH facts;
(2) the match of ASAH facts with theory; and
(3) the articulation of ASAH theory.
The normative function of the ASAH paradigms provides the afrocentric ancient history researchers with shared paradigms, or points of view that help define how s/he will research ancient history. These paradigms insure that africalogical researchers use the "Ancient Model" of research, as opposed to the "Aryan Model" of research to illuminate the early history of Black/African people.
The Africalogical ancient history paradigms developed by Delany (1978), Douglas (1966), Edward Blyden (1869) and Cornish and Russwurm (1827) form the theoretical base for ASAH research. In normal afrocentric social science research new paradigms have to 1) be related to the older theories; and 2) they must be compatible with already established rules for research modeled by the afrocentric perennialists.
The study of Africans in ancient America has been fruitful. Dr. Leo Wiener, in Africa and the Discovery of America was the first to recognize that the ancient civilizations of Mexico had been incluenced by Africans. He was especially sure that the Mande speaking people influenced the religion and civilization of the Aztec and Maya people; and that the writing on the Tuxtla statuette was written in the Mande writing system.
Later Ivan van Sertima wrote an important book which highlighted the influence of Africans in Mexico. In They Came before Columbus, van Sertima discussed the African influence on the Olmec civilization, and the discovery of America by Abubakari, a ruler of the Mali empire in the 1300's A.D.
Atlantis in Mexico: The Mande Discovery of America

Dr. Clyde Winters has written extensively on the African origins of the Olmec. He deciphered the Olmec language and since then he has published numerous websites where he discussed the Olmec Kings and their civilization. The most important work of Dr. Winters is Atlantis in Mexico, in this book Dr. Winters provides a detailed account of the migration of the Mande speaking people from Africa to the Americas. He explains that they called themselves Xi (Shi) or Si people and provides an informative discussion of the Mexican traditions regarding the expansion of the Olmec from the Gulf Coast, to the Pacific coast of Mexico.
  • Atlantis in Mexico will provide any researchers with a wealth of knowledge to understand the African origin of the Olmec. And the contributions of the Xi to the civilizations of Mexico.

  • Verification in Ancient Africalogical Research
    Afrocentric social scientists use confirmation to verify the africalogical paradigm rather than falsification. Confirmatory knowledge is based on generalizing as a result of observation. Whereas confirmation is based on observation of observable facts, the aim of falsification is the rejection of an established theory.
    The afrocentric scientific community seeks to obtain from their research one of three outcomes 1) confirmed (or corroborated) predictions based on the ASAH paradigm; 2) mixed outcomes, or 3) disconfirmed predictions based on the "Ancient Model".
    New paradigms resulting from africalogical ancient history research must have internal and external validity. Internal validity is the logical relationship between "facts" and reality, while external validity needs "empirical studies" or test to support any hypothesis.
    After the end of slavery in the United States, the africalogical scientific community began to conduct research to support the work done by the perennialists. The heroes in the founding of the africalogical ancient social science were usually professionally trained at Eastern Universities such as Harvard and Yale. Although, afrocentric researchers received training at prestigious Universities their research was usually conducted outside of the "established" academy.
    Vehicles for Dissemination of Research
    Afrocentric researchers of the ASAH have presented the evidence to follow afrocentric science and the public in various ways. As mentioned earlier, afrocentric researchers have rarely been professionally affiliated with institutions of higher learning. As a result, the Dissemination of africalogical research has usually been presented in a public forum.
    Newspapers and magazines have been the major media africalogical researchers use to inform the public and their colleagues about the ancient history of African Americans. In the 19th century the Freedom Journal, and religious publications like the Methodist Quarterly Review, published articles on africalogical ancient history.
    In the early 20th century as more African Americans became literate, we see the founding of numerous organizations that brought afrocentric scientists together to discuss and teach ancient history from an afrocentric perspective including the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) founded by Marcus Garvey; and the Hamitic League of the World.
    The UNIA's Negro World, edited by William Ferres, published many afrocentric articles. During its lengthy period of publication many afrocentric social scientists wrote for this popular African American newspaper including Carter G. Woodson, J.A. Rogers and George W. Parker.
    Some afrocentric articles were also published in the Journal of Negro History (JNH). Carter G. Woodson founded not only JNH, but also the Negro History Bulletin, and Associated Publishers.
    Up until World War II, many African American newspapers carried stories about Blacks in ancient times. Some of the popular African American dailies which published afrocentric articles during this period were the Chicago Daily Defender, and Amsterdam News.
    In the 1970's we see a number of publications that included africalogical material among the articles they published. These seminal publications for archaelogical research in the 1970's include the Black WorldThe Black ScholarJournal of Black Studies (San Francisco State University), Journal of African CivilizationReturn to the Source (Chicago), and the black books bulletin (Chicago).
    Scholarly Language of the Afrocentric
    Scientific Community
    To study ancient afrocentric studies the africalogical researcher has had to become skilled in understanding and reading non-English languages. DuBois (1970) noted that:
    The time has not yet come for a complete history of the
    Negro peoples. Archaeological research in Africa has
    just begun, and many sources of information in Arabian,
    Portuguese, and other tongues are not fully at our
    command....(p.3).
    For the heroes of africalogical research such as Delany, Blyden, DuBois, Parker, Perry and Williams, a knowledge of Latin and \or Greek were a requirement for normal scientific study of the classical and Old Testament literature which served as the basis for the creation of the theoretical paradigms associated with ASAH.
    In addition to possessing a reading knowledge of these Eurocentric classical languages for Western thought, africalogical researchers have also had to have a knowledge of modern European languages. This has been necessary because of the fact that much of the research supporting the ASAH paradigms has usually been published in French and German. One of the reasons that many of the contemporary africalogical researchers interested in early history use outdated references in their work, is due to their ignorance of French and German.
    Proficiency in a language other than English, helped africalogical researchers conduct the normal africalogical social science. It was DuBois' (1965, 1970) and Hansberry's knowledge of German that allowed these afrocentrists to conduct research into the role of Blacks in Egypt and Ethiopia. J.A. Rogers mastered many languages including French and German to prove that Blacks inhabited almost every continent on the globe. Dr. C. A. Winters (1977,1981\1982, 1985, 1991, 1994) had to learn Arabic, Chinese, Malinke, Portuguese, Otomi, Mayan, Swahili, Tamil and Tokharian (Kushana) to conduct his africalogical studies of Blacks in Asia and the Americas.
    In the 1960's due to the rise of independence in the east African country of Tanzania, Swahili became a language used by africalogical scientists. Swahili terms were used to explain and define the phenomena associated with africalogy. This is one of the reasons that the terms used in the Kwanza ceremonies practiced by blacks are Swahili lexical items (Coleman, 1971).
    Swahili is still among africalogical researchers but today Egyptian is recognized as the classical language for africalogical research (Wimby, 1980). Diop (1974,1991) popularized the idea that Egyptian should be used as the classical language for the study of ancient africalogical language and historical studies. As a result, most of the africalogical researchers today concentrate on Egypt and use Egyptian terms to explain the culture and Proto-African language of Africa people (Carruthers, 1977,1980).

    The Africalogical Textbooks
    The foundation of any mature science is its articulation in an authoritive text (Kuhn, 1996, 136). The africalogical textbooks published by Hopkins (1905), Perry (1893) and Williams (1883) provided the vocabulary themes for further afrocentric social science research.
    The pedagogy for ancient africalogical research was well established by the end of the 19th century by African American researchers well versed in the classical languages and knowledge of Greek and Latin. Cornish and Russwurm (1827) in the Freedom Journal, were the first African Americans to discuss and explain the "Ancient Model" of history. These afrocentric social scientists used the classics to prove that the Blacks founded civilization in Egypt, Ethiopia, Babylon and Ninevah. Cornish and Russwurm (1827) made it clear that archaeological research supported the classical, or "Ancient Model" of history.
    Edward Blyden (1869) also used classical sources to discuss the ancient history of African people. In his work he not only discussed the evidence for Blacks in West Asia and Egypt, he also discussed the role of Blacks in ancient America (Blyden, 1869, 78).
    By 1883, africalogical researchers began to publish book on African American history. W. Williams (1883) wrote the first textbook on African American history. In the History of the Negro Race in America, Dr. Williams provided the schema for all future africalogical history text.
    Dr. Williams (1883) confirmed the classical traditions for Blacks founding civilization in both Africa (Egypt, Ethiopia) and West Asia. In addition, to confirming the "Ancient Model" of history, Dr. Williams (1883) also mentioned the presence of Blacks in Indo-China and the Malay Peninsula.
    A decade later R.L. Perry (1893) also presented evidence to confirm the classical traditions of Blacks founding Egypt, Greece and the Mesopotamian civilization. He also provided empirical evidence for the role of Blacks in Phoenicia, thus increasing the scope of the ASAH paradigms.
    Pauline E. Hopkins (1905) added further articulation of the ASAH paradigms of the application of these paradigms in understanding the role of Blacks in West Asia and Africa. Hopkins (1905) provided further confirmation of the role of Blacks in Southeast Asia, and expanded the scope of africalogical research to China (1905).
    This review of the 19th century africalogical social scientific research indicate confirmation of the "Ancient Model" for the early history of Blacks. We also see a movement away from self-published africalogical research, and publication of research, and the publication of research articles on afrocentric themes, to the publication of textbooks.
    It was in these books that the paradigms associated with the "Ancient Model" and ASAH were confirmed, and given reliability by empirical research. It was these texts which provided the pedagogic vehicles for the perpetuation of the africalogical normal social science.
    The afrocentric textbooks of Hopkins (1905), Perry (1893) and Williams (1883) proved the reliability and validity of the ASAH paradigms. The discussion in these text of contemporary scientific research findings proving the existence of ancient civilizations in Egypt, Nubia-Sudan (Kush), Mesopotamia, Palestine and North Africa lent congruency to the classical literature which pointed to the existence of these civilizations and these African origins ( i.e., the children of Ham= Khem =Kush?).
    Dr. Winters in Afrocentrism: Myth or Science , , Has been able to update the literature regarding African civilizations in Asia, Europe and the Americas. This text provides the blueprint necessary for students to understand why the Afrocentric model of history continues to find support from the archaeological, linguistic and anthropological fields of study.
    The authors of the africalogical textbooks reported the latest archaeological and anthropological findings. The archaeological findings reported in these textbooks added precision to their analysis of the classical and Old Testament literature. This along with the discovery of artifacts on the ancient sites depicting Black\African people proved that the classical and Old Testament literature, as opposed to the "Aryan Model", objectively identified the Black\African role in ancient history. And finally, these textbooks confirmed that any examination of references in the classical literature to Blacks in Egypt, Kush, Mesopotamia and Greece\Crete exhibited constancy to the evidence recovered from archaeological excavations in the Middle East and the Aegean. They in turn disconfirmed the "Aryan Model", which proved to be a falsification of the authentic history of Blacks in early times.
    The creation of africalogical textbooks provided us with a number of facts revealing the nature of the afrocentric ancient history paradigms. They include a discussion of:
    1) the artifacts depicting Blacks found at ancient sites
    recovered through archaeological excavation;
    2) the confirmation of the validity of the classical and Old
    Testament references to Blacks as founders of civilization in Africa and Asia;
    3) the presence of isolated pockets of Blacks existing outside Africa; and
    4) that the contemporary Arab people in modern Egypt are
    not the descendants of the ancient Egyptians.
    The early africalogical textbooks also outlined the africalogical themes research should endeavor to study. A result, of the data collected by the africalogical ancient history research pioneers led to the development of three facts by the end of the 19th century, which needed to be solved by the afrocentric paradigms:
    (1) What is the exact relationship of ancient Egypt, to Blacks in other parts of Africa;
    (2) How and when did Blacks settle America, Asia and Europe;
    (3) What are the contributions of the Blacks to the rise, and cultural expression ancient Black\African civilizations;
    (4) Did Africans settle parts of America in ancient times.
    These paradigms provided the foundation for africalogical research in the 20th century.
                 Afrocentric Social Science Revolutions
                               that Changed the Africalogical World View
    Considerable progress has been made in the africalogical research of ancient history (DuBois, 1965, 1970; Diop, 1974,1991; Winters 1981\1982, 1991, 1994), classical studies (Parker, 1917, 1918) and the role of Blacks in ancient Indo-China and China (Winters, 1985) over the past 90 years. Marcus Garvey (1966) and DuBois (1965,1970) had a tremendous influence in the study of ancient Black history.
    Marcus Garvey with the founding of the UNIA attracted many africalogical researchers to his organization. Some of these researchers wrote articles for the Negro World newspaper. These scholars formed the foundation for the africalogical scientific community including C.G Woodson, J. A. Rogers, William Ferris, Gerge W. Parker and Arthur A. Schomberg.
    In addition to members of the UNIA playing a prominent role in the precision of prediction of the africalogical paradigm we find that afrocentric researchers belonging to the Hamitic League of the World (HLW), also contributed greatly to the enhancement of the "Ancient Model" and the ASAH paradigms at the turn of the 20th century. John Albert Williams founded the HLW. Two its most prominent members include G. W. Parker (1917,1918) and A.A. Schomberg (1925).
    G.W. Parker greatly expanded the ASAH paradigm for classical study by providing a focused study of the role of blacks in Greece. Parker (1917) identified these ancient Afro-Greeks as Pelasgians. He also used linguistics to illustrate that the names of many Greek heroes betrayed there African, not Indo-European origin. In addition, Parker gave us the most detailed discussion of Blacks in India up to his time (Parker, 1918).
    The second major confirmation for the "Ancient Model" of history was made by DuBois (1965,1970). In the Negro published in 1915, DuBois explained the African presence in Egypt and ancient Kush and a comprehensive analysis of the West African empires.
    W.E.B. DuBois (1924) also firmly placed the presence of Blacks in America as a legitimate research area for africalogical researchers. In The Gift of Black Folks, discussed the Black presence in ancient America, including European references to Pre-Columbian Blacks, and the influence of Africans on the Amerindian religions (DuBois,1924). The confirmation of this paradigm was made by ( Clegg, 1975; Lawrence, 1962; Thompson, 1975; Winters, 1981\1982)
    In The World and Africa, DuBois (1965) provides a full explanation of the role of Blacks in the early world. He explains the history of Blacks in China and India (pp.176-200); Blacks in Europe(the Pre-Indo-European Greeks and during the Dark Age of Greece), and Asia Minor (pp. 115-127), and the Egyptian foundation of Grecian thought (pp. 125-126).
    The major revolution in the ASAH was the research of Diop (1974, 1991). Diop, a Senegalese expert on Egyptian and African history made important contributions to the ASAH paradigms, including:
    1) clarification of the African role in Egypt;
    2) proved positively that the West African people formerly
    lived in close proximity to the Egyptians who were in many cases their ancestors;
    3) made Mdu Neter the Egyptian language the classical language for ancient africalogical research; and
    4) developed the genetic model as the major paradigm in
    in the ASAH (Diop, 1991).
    In general Diop (1974, 1991) caused an africalogical social scientific revolution because he was able to prove that Egypt was the archetypical civilization for many West Africans. This was an important discovery because almost all of the slaves that were sold in the United States had originally came from West Africa. Verification of the Egyptian origin of West Africans provided African Americans with relationship to the ancient Egyptians.
    History of Blacks in America from Pre-History to 1877: A Common Core State Standards History 
    Moreover, Diop's use of linguistics, and anthropological evidence to confirm the African origin of Egypt eliminated the need for africalogical researchers to use the classical writers to prove the African origin of Egypt (Diop, 1977, 1978, 1981, 1986, 1987, 1988). This finding by Diop has led africalogical researchers to seek a better understanding of African philosophy through an interpretation of Egyptian philosophy. Moreover, africalogical researchers have also began the reconstruction of the Paleo-African language used by Blacks in prehistoric times (Anselin, 1982, 1982b, 1989; Winters, 1994) so that we will know more about the culture and civilization of the Proto-Africans.
    Egyptian Language: The Mountains of the Moon , Niger-Congo Speakers and the Origin of Egypt
    The last major confirmation of the ASAH paradigms was made by Clyde Ahmad Winters (1977, 1979, 1981, 1983a, 1983c, 1983d, 1984,1985) when he expanded our understanding of the role of Blacks\Africans in Indo-China, India and China; and the ancient literacy of Blacks (1979, 1983d, 1985c, 1986b). Using linguistic, anthropological and historical evidence, he proved that the earliest cultures of China and Indo-China were founded by Blacks from West Africa and modern Ethiopia (Winters, 1979, 1983d, 1985c, 1986b).
    The Ancient Blacks of China  The Ancient Black Civilizations of Asia 

    Winters also made it clear that the earliest Japanese were Blacks and that Japanese is related to African languages (Winters, 1979, 1981, 1983a, 1983c, 1984). In addition he was able to prove that the founders of Xia and Shang were of African and Dravidian origin (1983c,1985c).
    Using the findings of Wiener in regards to the writing of the Olmecs Winters discovered that the Blacks from West Africa left numerous inscriptions written in the Manding language (Winters, 1977, 1979, 1983a, 1985b) . Winters later discovered that due to the cognition between the Mande writing and ancient scripts used by the Minoans and Indus Valley he could read the Indus Valley Writing and the Linear A inscriptions (1985b).
    This africalogical research by Winters (1981/1982, 1983b, 1983d, 1989a, 1991, 1994) made it clear that the first civilizations in Indo-China and China were founded by Blacks. He has also proved the lie to Hume's (1875) claim that Blacks have "No literacy" and "No letters".

    Conclusion
    In conclusion, the africalogical study of ancient history is an empirical area of social science research founded by africalogical perennialists in the 19th century. This review of the structure of scientific revolutions in the africalogical study of ancient history has illustrated how afrocentric researchers took the theoretical paradigms of the "Ancient Model" and through verifiable research were transformed into new observations and related new africalogical ancient history paradigms. For example, the evidence of Blacks in West Asia, led to the generalization that blacks may have also inhabited early China and Japan. These hypothesis formulated in the 19th century (Hopkins, 1905; Perry, 1893), were confirmed in the 2oth century (Winters, 1980, 1981c,1983c,1985c).
    The structure of africalogical social science over the past 100 years, signifies that afrocentric researchers have used the "Ancient Model" of history to deduce new paradigms supporting the African origin of ancient civilizations around the world. These new paradigms have proved to be compatible with the "Ancient Model" that the africalogical perennialists used to make their first study of the ancient history of African Americans. Moreover, the ability of Diop (1991) and Parker (1917) to expand our knowledge of the Blacks in ancient Crete and Greece are clear indications of how scientific novelty in africalogical research often emerge simultaneously from different areas.
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    Friday, April 27, 2018

    Part 1: Review Vagheesh Narasimhan et al, The Genomic Formation of South and Central


    . Much of this article is Hindutva propaganda and unfounded.
    There has been a lot of media discussion about Vagheesh Narasimhan, J Patterson, Priya Moorjani, Iosif Lazaridis, Lipson Mark, Swapan Mallick, Nadin Rohland, et al.(2018). The Genomic Formation of South and Central Asia, https://www.biorxiv.org/content/early/2018/03/31/292581
    Many commentators are excited about the article because it is suppose to finally explain the origins of the people of Central and South Asia. The basic thesis of this paper is that Indo-Europeans and Indo-Aryans from the Levant and Anatolia took cattle herding and farming into the Steppe region, and South Asia. This thesis is unfounded because Indo-Europeans never existed, and the Anatolians were Kushites—not Indo-European speakers.
    Some geneticists are attempting to explain how agriculture and farming came to Europe. Since the archaeology indicates the cultural traditions of the ancient “Europeans” came from Anatolia, the Eurocentric geneticists believe these people had to be Indo-Europeans. This is a false analogy, because the Anatolians were Kushites.
    Vagheesh Narasimhan et al, The Genomic Formation of South and Central. Wrote that “The genetic formation of Central and South Asian populations has been unclear because of an absence of ancient DNA. To address this gap, we generated genome-wide data from 362 ancient individuals, including the first from eastern Iran, Turan (Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan), Bronze Age Kazakhstan, and South Asia.
    No automatic alt text available.

    Our data reveal a complex set of genetic sources that ultimately combined to form the ancestry of South Asians today. We document a southward spread of genetic ancestry from the Eurasian Steppe, correlating with the archaeologically known expansion of pastoralist sites from the Steppe to Turan in the Middle Bronze Age (2300-1500 BCE). These Steppe communities mixed genetically with peoples of the Bactria Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) whom they encountered in Turan (primarily descendants of earlier agriculturalists of Iran), but there is no evidence that the main BMAC population contributed genetically to later South Asians. Instead, Steppe communities integrated farther south throughout the 2nd millennium BCE, and we show that they mixed with a more southern population that we document at multiple sites as outlier individuals exhibiting a distinctive mixture of ancestry related to Iranian agriculturalists and South Asian hunter-gathers.


     We call this group Indus Periphery because they were found at sites in cultural contact with the Indus Valley Civilization (IVC) and along its northern fringe, and also because they were genetically similar to post-IVC groups in the Swat Valley of Pakistan. By co-analyzing ancient DNA and genomic data from diverse present-day South Asians, we show that Indus Periphery-related people are the single most important source of ancestry in South Asia — consistent with the idea that the Indus Periphery individuals are providing us with the first direct look at the ancestry of peoples of the IVC — and we develop a model for the formation of present-day South Asians in terms of the temporally and geographically proximate sources of Indus Periphery-related, Steppe, and local South Asian hunter-gatherer-related ancestry.
    Our results show how ancestry from the Steppe genetically linked Europe and South Asia in the Bronze Age, and identifies the populations that almost certainly were responsible for spreading Indo-European languages across much of Eurasia”

    It is obvious that Vagheesh Narasimhan et al, The Genomic Formation of South and Central Asia, don’t know anything about South Asian archaeology and linguistics because they claim the BMAC population did not contribute to South Asia. Vagheesh Narasimhan et al, in The Genomic Formation of South and Central Asia, wrote “ These Steppe communities mixed genetically with peoples of the Bactria Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) whom they encountered in Turan (primarily descendants of earlier agriculturalists of Iran), but there is no evidence that the main BMAC population contributed genetically to later South Asians.” This is false because the BMAC were Elamites and we see a close relationship between the Elamite language and Dravidian languages, and the Tamil Kosars[Kushana] of the IVC.
    The BMAC contributed to South Asian population and genetic structure because they were Kushites.
    The civilization in Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC) was founded by Harappans or IVC people and Elamites. The archaeology makes it clear that that the BMAC originated after the decline of the IVC site of Shortughai on the Oxus river. The the radiocarbon dates vary for Shortughai range between 2200-1600BC, the site older than the BMAC. Most researchers have noted that the BMAC have strong Elamite affinities. Artifacts from the BMAC site at Altyn depe ruins have terracotta statuettes with Proto Elaimite and linear Sumerian script.
    The Harappans were settled throughout Bactria before the nomadic BMAC people came on the scene. As a result, archaeologist have found Indus seals in Bactria and the Kopet Dagh foothills.
    The BMAC is usually associated with Namazga V. Here we find small seals, IVC beads and ivory sticks. also, lets not forget that Possehl, claims that Namazga V was contemporary with Shortughai (Hiebert, Origins of the Bronze Age Oasis Civilization in Central Asia, p.172).
    The depopulation of the urban sites in the Kopet Dagh foothills around the end of Namazga V, may indicate the rise of BMAC nomads as the dominate group in the region, since it was at this time widespread occupation of Bactria begins (Hiebert, p.172).
    Image result for elamite civilization
    BMAC was an Elamite civilization as noted by Ligue & Salvatori, Bactria an ancient oasis civilization from the sands of Afghanistan, p.137.
    Francefort La civilisatioon de l'Indus aux de l'Oxus in , Archeologia (December,1987) made it clear that Shortughai existed from 2200-1800 BC. It was the largest Harappan site on the Amou Darya and Kokcha rivers. It is much older than Namazga V. Moreover, there is no evidence the people at Namazga were Indo-Aryan speakers they did not use PGW.
    Ligue and Salvalori, wrote "On the other hand, the higher forms of Bactrian civilization can be found in the civilizations which make up the Outer Iran community, but they reveal more affinities with Elam, which can only be explained by hypothesis difficult to verify".(p.137)
    The Bactrian fortresses, which seem more like prestige castles which could have been used as caravanserais or warehouses, point to the existence of an aristocracy composed of nomad-artisans with strong Elamite affinities...."(p.137)
    These quotes are from the Ligue & Salvatori article in Lamberg- et 1Karlovsky (Ed), Bactria: An ancient oasis civilization from the sands of Afghanistan,1989.
    Image result for proto elamite script
    The Elamites like the Sumerians were Kushites. Elamites influenced BMAC cultures. Some of these influences include:
    1. Proto-Elamite signs on BMAC figurines associated with Namazga III
    2.Collon's Indus-BMAC hybrid pieces
    3. Proto-Elamite tablet found at Shahr-i Sakhta
    4. Identical lithic drillheads from Shahr-i Sakhta and Chanhu-daro
    Some researchers have attempted to base an Indo-Aryan origin on the BMAC based on artifacts from Gilund. This is a fantasy because the pottery from Gilund, Rajasthan, and the banks of the Bana river is BRW. The Indo-Aryans used PGW as discussed above.
    The exotic goods found at Gilund suggest that the site was a warehouse were goods imported from Central Asia were housed.
    . The BMAC is associated with Elamites and Harappans--not Indo-Aryan people who did not enter India until 1300 BC. The discovery of BRW at Gilund suggest that the people spoke Dravidian languages--not Indo-Aryan. The BRW ceramic style is found at Harappan sites and the lower levels of Madurai and Tirukkampuliyur at South Indian megalithic sites. This pottery tradition supports the widespread nature of Dravidian populations in North India prior to the Aryan Invasion of India 1300BC.
    Population Genetics is based mainly on inferences and statistics relating to contemporary DNA. Population genetics can never supercede archaeology because using aDNA and archaeology we see the expansion of Africans carrying the so-called Eurasian haplogroups into Eurasia. These people were Kushites, Indo-Europeans never existed

    Part 2: Review Vagheesh Narasimhan et al, The Genomic Formation of South and Central Asia

     The genomic evidence used by the authors to explain the genome of Central Asia and South Asia does not point to the Steppes and Europe. It points to Africa especially the Y-chromosome analysis.
    Look at the figure on the South Asian haplogroups in the study. The vast majority of the South Asians carried the African haplogroups E1b, G and DE. Nine of the haplogroups carried by South Asians are of African origin, only 1,R1b, is related to Europeans. This results from the fact that the IVC Dravidians belonged to the Kosar or Kushan Tamil speakers who belonged to the Maa Confederation of Middle Africa.
    The so-called Steppe population came from Anatolia and the Levant. These people were Kushites who spoke Dravido-African languages. These researchers are attempting to steal the history of the Kushites. The principal crop of the IVC was millet--not wheat. There are more Africans in the sample of this study than there are Europeans. For example, look at the attached photo of one of the charts from the article.
    Look at the figures from the Vagheesh Narasimhan et al, The Genomic Formation of South and Central Asia on the E clades found in the study.The E1b samples are E1b1a E-Z6019 & Z6006 these genes are primarily Senegambian. These haplogroups and E1a/M33 generally travel together. 

    The major African Y-Chromosome is A. Look at the Vagheesh Narasimhan et al, The Genomic Formation of South and Central Asia figure on Gonur dating c. 2500-1600 BCE noted that the Gonur people carried the A Y-DNA haplogroup. This puts Africans at Gonur, not Europeans.

    The vast majority of the South Asians carried the African haplogroups E1b, G and DE. The Gonur people also carried the African Y-chromosome haplogroup A.




    Nine of the haplogroups carried by South Asians are of African origin, only 1,R1b, is related to Europeans. This results from the fact that the IVC Dravidians belonged to the Kosar or Kushan Tamil speakers who belonged to the Maa Confederation of Middle Africa. The Dravido-Africans took these genomes to Central and South Asia.

    Vagheesh Narasimhan, J Patterson, Priya Moorjani, Iosif Lazaridis, Lipson Mark, Swapan Mallick, Nadin Rohland, et al.(2018). The Genomic Formation of South and Central Asia,https://www.biorxiv.org/content/early/2018/03/31/292581

    Sunday, April 22, 2018

    Nubians and Meroites




    What is the relationship between the Meroitic and Nubian languages? This is an important question because Griffith and other researchers over the years, have claimed that the Nubian languages were not related to Meroitic. They reached this conclusion when they compared the words Griffith claimed were  Meroitic words to Nubian vocabulary items. My decipherment of Meroitic indicates that the Nubian and Meroitic languages share a linguistic genetic relationship.
     Welsby in The Kingdom of Kush wrote, "Early scholars of the [Meroitic] language hoped that it may have been related to Old Nubian but this has been shown not to be the case, although both are agglutinative, lack gender and the place of inflexions taken by post-positions and suffixes. Whether it was related to the language of the Kerma culture is another unknown, as no inscriptions in Kerman have come to light"(p.190).
    Lazlo Torok, in The Kingdom of Kush: Handbook of the Napatan-Meroitic Civilization , wrote "Since so far no bilingual text has been discovered nor any related language found, very little of Meroitic can be understood. Some linguists see a relationship between Berber and Chadic on the one hand and Meroitic, on the other. Others regard it as related to Nubian. On geographical grounds, it has been suggested that Meroitic may be related to the following language groups (in describing order of probability). Eastern Sudanic; Nilo-Saharan; Cushitic/Omotic; Kordofanian. The efforts based on such assumptions produced, however, very few results, if any. While the linguistic classification of Meroitic remains obscure, there is hardly any doubt that it was originally spoken in the northern Butana" (p.50).


    As you can see, using Griffith’s alleged Meroitic words,  Meroitic has not been found to be related to Nubian, other languages in the Nilo-Saharan family ,or any other language spoken in the Sudan. The Nubian speakers that belonged to the Meroitic Confederation were absorbed into the Confederation.
    Although Nubian was not related to the Meroitic words recovered by Griffith, it is related to Meroitic. In this paper I will outline the relationship between Nubian and Meroitic , based on my decipherment of the Meroitic language.
    My decipherment of Meroitic has allowed me to publish Meroitic Vocabularies that we can compare to languages spoken in the Sudan and West Africa. Griffith (1911a) has divided the Meroitic writing into two different forms according to the shape of Meroitic signs at various points in history. The two stages of Meroitic writing were called Archaic and late. In deciphering Meroitic inscriptions it is important that you refer to Giffith (1911a) so you can learn how each Meroitic symbol appeared at various stages in the evolution of the Meroitic writing.


    During my research I learned that the Dravidian and Nubian languages were related. I thought this was an aberration, because the historical data suggested that the Nubians appeared in the Nile Valley during Roman Times. If the Nubian term for god is Ku, and Nubian is related to Dravidian indicated that the Nubians had to have been in the Nile Valley 5000 years ago, and that these Nubians probably migrated into Eurasia.
    The historical evidence finds first mention of the Beja, in Kerma literature 700BC. This is interesting because the earliest literature of the Buddhists mention Beja. This means that the Beja were in Asia thousands of years ago.

    The climate in the Southern Sahara and Sahel has been fluctuating. Between 5000-2000 BC, there were expanding Lakes in this region. A dry period developed between 2500-1500 BC. At this time most lakes in the southern Sahara and Sahel were at low levels. During this period  the Nubians, Beja and other Nile Valley nomadic tribes migrated into Arabia and thence Eurasia.
    The evidence of the Beja and Nubians in Eurasia indicate to me , at least, that the Nubians and Beja were among the Nile Valley people that settled Tihama in Arabia.
     It further, suggests,  that the Beja and Nubians migrated from Tihama into India and beyond. Although remnants of the Beja and Nubians never migrated out of the Nile Valley, after 1000 BC, as the Indo Aryans began to expand into Eurasia Nubian and Beja speakers proibably began to migrant back into Africa. Because the Horn was highly populated the Beja and Nubians from Eurasia had to invade the Nile Valley that would explain the conflicts between the Beja and Meroites, and Nubians and Meroites. The Nubians and Beja, who did not migrate out of Africa were probably considered to be Kushites, that might explain the word Kushiab, which implies that anyone who was the descendant of the Kushites could be enslaved.
    My opinion about the relationship between Old Nubian and Meroitic is under development. It is under development because I believe there was formerly a dichotomy between nomadic and urban Nubians. I believe that shortly before the Romans took control of Egypt nomadic Nubians driven out of Eurasia returned to the Nile Valley and began to fight the Meroites for control of the Meroitic Empire, which would have included Nubian speakers that had not migrated into Eurasia. Since Meroitic was a lingua franca it may include some Nubian terms because of the Nubian-Meroites being members of the Confederation. Anas Elbashir discovery of cognate Colloquial Sudanese Arabic and Meroitic terms suggest that, we may find some cognate Nubian and Meroitic terms in the future.
    There appears to have been a dichotomy between nomadic rural and urban Nubian populations. There is a genetic relationship between the Tamil and Nubian languages. This suggest that the Nubian speakers may have migrated into Eurasia and formerly lived among Dravidian speakers.

     This is the best explanation to explain why Nubian elements are found in the Meroitic language. The existence of Nubian elements in Meroitic means that Nubian speakers belonged to the Meroitic Empire. The rural Nubians that were in major conflicts with the Meroites, were probably Nubians who had migrated back into the Sudan around the time Romans were advancing into ancient Egypt.
    There are some representations of Nubian or Noba prisoners, in Meroitic art that suggest that Nubian speakers were enemies of the Meroites. The Noba are believed to have spoken a Nubian language.
    The rural Nubians or Nobatai lived in the area from Aswan to Maharraqa called the Dodekaschoenas which was first under the rule of the Ptolemies and later the Romans. Most researchers believe that by 200 BC most of the region was occupied by Nubians. Ptolemy, noted that in the mid-2nd Century AD that the Nubae lived on the Westside of the Nile, and that they were not subjects of the Kushites. These Nubian speakers, were probably Nubian speakers that were not part of the Merowe Confederation
    The Meroitic language was a lingua franca. As a result it includes many words from the languages spoken in the Meroitic Empire.
    For a long time we were unable to recover the languages spoken during the Meroitic period because Meroitic was not deciphered. Since my decipherment of Meroitic now we can recover some of the languages spoken by the Meroites.
    Brother Anas Elbashir, after comparing Colloquial Sudanese Arabic to words in my Meroitic Word List, has illustrated the continued use of classical Meroitic terms among contemporary Sudanese.
    1.1To determine the past of man, scientists use historical and comparative linguistics. Historical linguistics seeks to describe the way languages change or maintain their structure over a period of time. The present state of a language is its synchronic state; whereas the transition from one state to the next is the diachronic state. Comparative linguistics is that branch of linguistics which discloses and studies similarities and difference between related languages.
     1.2There are two types of relatedness between languages: genetic and typological.  The closeness of languages depends on the number of rules the languages have in common. A genetic relationship means that a group of languages descend from a common ancestor. A typological relationship means that languages have a few common structural features. The closeness of languages depends on the number of rules the languages have in common.
     1.3There is an ethnic relationship behind a genetic relationship of languages because a genetic relationship suggests a family relationship. The basic objective of the comparative linguist is to isolate words with common or similar meanings that have systematic consonantal agreement with little regard for the location of the vowels. Consonantal agreement is the regular appearance of consonants at certain locations in words having similar meanings and representing similar speech sounds.
    1.4Meroitic and Nubian share a genetic linguistic relationship. These two languages share many kinship terms, nouns and verbs. The Nubian terms are from Dongolawi, Modern Nubian, and Old Nubian.



    1.5 In Tables 1 and Tables 1a, we see 34 cognate Meroitic and Nubian terms. Analogy exist between  Nubian and Meroitic terms. In relation to Meroitic and Nubian terms 41% show full correspondence and 59% had partial correspondence.

    1.6There is Nubian and Meroitic Consonantal Correspondence
    Nubian                                                        Meroitic 
    t=/=t                                                    
    tak       'to cover'                                        te 'to put. To lay'                                                                                                   
    t'a        'to come'                                        tña  'come into being'                       
    tok, tuk 'leave, set in motion                tk
    tay              'girl'                                        to 'feminine suffix           
    b=/=b  
    aba, abo        father                                            ab   
    s=/=š                                                    
    essi                  sister                                               šr
    s=/=s                                    
    samil                chief,king                                   sr, sl

    r=/=l                                                     
    ur                         king                                             wl,wr                                                                         
    toud                    son                                               mte                                                                            
    wel                      dog                                               wle
    d=/=d                                                                  
    *den,tir            to give                                           d                                                                  
    d=/=t                                                 
    diya              'place'                                               te                                                                                                
    diya              'village'                                            to   'to dwell'                                                                                          
    da                country'                                           t                                                                                      
    k=/=k                                                                                  
    ker         pick up'                                             kd  'to bear'  
    n=/=ñ                                                                                 
    nukt       glory'                                                 ñt   ‘honor’                                                                                                                                                                                   
    n=/=n
    unn      'to give birth'                               tn 'to be born'
    Ƞ=/=                                                                                               
    uȠur  'to know'                                               aḫ 'to learn
    ɛ=/= e                                  
    ɛrri, έrr    'new'                                          er 'produce, evoke'                                                                                         
    d=/=t   
    dawi   'road'                                              ato   down the road'                          
    r=/=r
    ursέ   'root'                                               ro  'foundation'   
    n=/=n                                                                                 
    n'al   'see'                                                 ni ' to shine,to illuminate  
    en    'women'                                       -ñ '3rd per promoun 'her'                                                                      
    m=/=m                
    Ƞ=/=n                                                                  
    Ƞul   'white'                                          in-ne  'radiance'                                                                  
    Š=/=š
    màša  'sun'                                          'Sun God'     


    1.7Nubian and Meroitic also share vowel correspondence
    a/e     u/w
    a/I     i/i
    e/e   o/u                                                                                                        

    1.8In conclusion, the Meroitic Empire was made of diverse African nations speaking a variety of African languages. Some of the speakers of these languages migrated into West Africa, while other Meroites remained in the Nile Valley.  This comparison of Meroitic and Nubian illustrates that Nubia was spoken in the Meroitic Empire.
    1.9Some linguists would question the ability to compare Meroitic to modern Nubian languages. We can compare these languages due to the linguistic continuity theory .
    1.10The rate at which  languages change is variable. It appears that linguistic change is culture specific. Consequently, the social organization and political culture of a particular speech community can influence the speed at which languages change.
    1.11 Based on the history of language change in Europe most linguists believe that the rate of change for all languages is both rapid and constant (Diagne, 1981,238).  The idea that all languages change rapidly is not valid for all the World's languages.
    1.12Dr. Clyde Winters,  ( 1996), explained that  the rate at which languages change is variable. It appears that linguistic change is culture specific. Consequently, the social organization and political culture of a particular speech community can influence the speed at which languages change. Based on the history of language change in Europe most linguists believe that the rate of change for all languages is both rapid and constant (Diagne, 1981, p.238).
    1.13The idea that all languages change rapidly is not valid for all the World's languages.The continuity of many African languages may result from the steady state nature of African political systems, and long standing cultural stability since Neolithic times (Diop, 1991 ; Winters 1996).
    1.14This cultural stability has affected the speed at which African languages change.The political stability of African political institutions has caused languages to change very slowly in Africa (Winters 1996). Diop (1987, 1991) argue that a sedentary life style may account for the conservative nature of a language.
    1.15This leads to the hypothesis that linguistic continuity exist in Africa due to the continuity or stability of African socio-political structures and cultural systems. This relative cultural stability has led African languages to change more slowly then European and Asian languages. Diop (1974) observed that: First the evolution of languages, instead of moving everywhere at the same rate of speed seems linked to other factors; such as , the stability of social organizations or the opposite, social upheavals. Understandably in relatively stable societies man's language has changed less with the passage of time (pp.153-154). In the case of Nubian languages, we know that while some Nubian speakers migrated into Eurasia after 1500 BC, most Nubian speakers probably remained in the Nile Valley.
    1.16This comparison of Meroitic and Nubian shows a genetic linguistic relationship exist between these two languages. The linguistic evidence of a relationship between Nubian and Meroitic supports the  African linguistic continuity concept.


    References:
    Diagne,P. (1981). In J. Ki-Zerbo (Ed.), General history of Africa I: Methodology and African prehistory (233-260). London: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd.

    Diop,C.A. (1977). Parentè gènètique de l'Egyptien Pharaonique et des languues Negro-Africaines. Dakar: Institut Fondamental d'Afrique Noire.
    Diop, C.A. (1978). Precolonial Black Africa. Wesport, Conn. :Lawrence Hill and Company.
    Diop, C.A. 1981. A methodology for the study of migrations. In African Ethnonyms and Toponyms, by UNESCO. (Unesco: Paris) 86--110.
    Diop, C.A. (1991). Civilization or Barbarism. Brooklyn,N.Y.:Lawrence Hill Books
    Griffith, F.Ll. 1909. Meroitic inscriptions. In Areika, (ed) by MacIver, D.R. & Woolley, C.L. Vol.1. Philadelphia.
    Griffith, F.L.1911a. Karanog. The Meroitic Inscriptions of Shablul and Karanog. Philadelphia: Eckley B. Coxe Jr Expedition to Nubia. Vol.VI.
    Griffith, F. Ll. 1911b. Meroitic Inscriptions: Part I. London: The Offices of the Egypt Exploration Fund.
    Griffith, F. Ll. 1912. Meroitic Inscriptions: Part II. London: The Offices of the Egypt Exploration Fund.
    Anas Elbashir Ahmed Musa , Old Sudanese Language and Meroitic , https://bafsudralam.blogspot.com/2018/02/old-sudanese-language-and-meroitic.html
    Clyde Winters (1996) . Linguistic Continuity and African and Dravidian languages  ,International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics, 23 (2):34-52.